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The Revolution: A Manifesto Paperback – 3 Dec. 2009
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The best way to understand Congressman Ron Paul is to take a look at his voting record. He has never voted to raise taxes. He has never voted for an unbalanced budget. He has never voted to raise congressional pay. He has never taken a government-paid junket. He has never voted to increase the power of the executive branch. He voted against the Patriot Act. He voted against regulating the Internet and he voted against the Iraq war. Operating from a unique strain of libertarian republicanism, Ron Paul's beliefs are refreshingly logical, even if you disagree with his principles. He is a Republican in the truest sense of the word, not at all what that word has grown to represent.
This is his call to arms for a nation that needs to change but doesn't know how. Barry Goldwater defined a conservative in the 1960's and with this manifesto, Ron Paul redefines it for the modern day.
- Print length192 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- Publication date3 Dec. 2009
- Dimensions13.34 x 1.32 x 20.32 cm
- ISBN-100446537527
- ISBN-13978-0446537520
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- Publisher : Grand Central Publishing (3 Dec. 2009)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 192 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0446537527
- ISBN-13 : 978-0446537520
- Dimensions : 13.34 x 1.32 x 20.32 cm
- Best Sellers Rank: 481,404 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- 3,486 in Philosopher Biographies
- 4,676 in Political Biographies
- 5,134 in Social & Urban History Biographies
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Ron Paul, an eleven-term congressman from Texas, is the leading advocate of freedom in our nation's capital. He has devoted his political career to the defense of individual liberty, sound money, and a non-interventionist foreign policy. Judge Andrew Napolitano calls him "the Thomas Jefferson of our day." After serving as a flight surgeon in the U.S. Air Force in the 1960s, Dr. Paul moved to Texas to begin a civilian medical practice, delivering over four thousand babies in his career as an obstetrician. He served in Congress from 1976 to 1984, and again from 1996 to the present. He and Carol Paul, his wife of fifty-one years, have five children, eighteen grandchildren, and one great-grandchild.Ron Paul, the New York Post once wrote, is a politician who "cannot be bought by special interests." "There are few people in public life who, through thick and thin, rain or shine, stick to their principles," added a congressional colleague. "Ron Paul is one of those few."
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The author is a devotee of the Austrian School of economics with its liberal belief in the healthy instincts of the capitalist society uncluttered by the meddling of government agencies. All the evils of our society arise from such meddling he says, whether it be intervention in the politics of foreign countries, foreign aid and at home the banning of drugs and the spending on welfare and medical aid. He even argues against the levying of income tax.
The pandering to special interest groups always distorts the economy and leads to waste and bureaucracy. He opposed the bailout of the banks for this reason (welfare for the rich) which we have slavishly followed over here in the UK. The UK has a lot to learn from Mr Paul. Only yesterday the UK Government took drastic powers of "snooping" into electronic communications in the alleged fight against terror. Yet the Government's own activities are shrouded in secret.
Somehow the public must stem and then turn the tide of this undemocratic way of government. In ancient Greece each citizen was required to serve one year in the administration and was obliged to follow the Constitutional laws in every particular. Any irregular behaviour was heavily punished. I recommend this book for those who have wanted a system of politics unpolluted by false sentiment and framed for democratic people with fellow feeling and humane intelligence.
It occurred to me, at least, that a successful and peaceful revolution greatly depends on encouraging the armed forces and bureaucrats with guns to get on side. For without their unquestioning support--as we see in Zimbabwe--the administration will have to resort to reasoned argument to justify and defend their policies. With that in mind, it is interesting to note that the top contributors to Ron Paul's campaign were armed forces' members, in service, or retired. As Lt.Col. Tim Collins is cited as saying to his troops before entering Iraq (and I paraphrase): 'Remember this, your mum has to queue at the supermarket. So be mindful abut who and why you open fire.'
Hilary Clinton chose to spice up her campaign by claiming that she had to dodge sniper fire, but it is improbable, in the extreme, that she and/or her colleagues will be taking up the sniper's rifle with which to conduct a counter-revolution :-)
It also sheds light on the overinflated currency which is a symptom of this Socialistic government which has enshrouded America.
I would have liked to read something more systematic but this was thoroughly engaging and should be necessary reading in American schools.
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The first chapter, "The False Choices of American Politics," demonstrates why those Ron Paul supporters who do understand his message cannot bring themselves to vote for either McCain or Hillary/Obama, or even to really care who among them wins: There is very little (if any) substantive difference between them. They may disagree about when and where to use foreign intervention, but never over whether it should be used at all. They may disagree over how fast interest rates should be cut by the Fed, but never over whether the Fed should exist. You get the idea.
Chapters 2 and 3 are titled "The Foreign Policy of the Founding Fathers" and "The Constitution," respectively. Here Dr. Paul challenges his neocon and liberal opponents to openly condemn the wisdom of the founding fathers, which they do with their actions, or else follow it. The framers of the Constitution were far from unanimous -- there were bitter disputes among so-called "Federalists" (Hamiltonian nationalists) and "republicans" (Jeffersonian decentralists) -- but today's neocon/liberals reject the wisdom of both parties, taking an expansive view of their powers that even Hamilton himself would have seen as excessive.
Chapter 4, "Economic Freedom," may be an eye-opening one for many readers. First, there are the liberals who were attracted to Dr. Paul's campaign, who may for the first time be presented with a contrast between the true Austro-Jeffersonian libertarian brand of capitalism and the inflationist, Kudlow & Company / Forbes magazine variety. Secondly there are many "paleoconservatives" I met who supported Dr. Paul but were under the mistaken impression that he was against free trade -- nothing could be further from the truth! In fact, as Dr. Paul points out here, he is 100% in favor of unilateral, unconditional free trade and 100% against quotas, sanctions, embargoes, duties, and protective tariffs. He does oppose phony "free-trade" deals like NAFTA and the WTO (joining many liberal Democrats in doing so, but for different reasons) not because they "steal American jobs" (they don't), but because they limit trade too greatly. Furthermore, they erode constitutional sovereignty and work for the benefit of politically connected elites, something with which libertarians, paleocons, and liberals can all agree.
All three constituencies will also cheer Chapter 5, "Civil Liberties and Personal Freedom." Here the contrast between Jeffersonian libertarianism (once considered "liberalism" before that philosophy was given a bad name in the early twentieth century) and the so-called "conservatism" of the neocons and post-WWII New Rightists is perhaps at its greatest. Ron Paul supports the Constitution and the limits it places on government -- which makes him a "blame America" leftist among the neocon punditry, all apologists for the liberal Wilson/FDR/Truman/LBJ foreign policy, by the way.
But the best and most important chapter, without a doubt, is Chapter 6, "Money: The Forbidden Issue in American Politics." Here Dr. Paul expertly details the operations of the Federal Reserve System in stunning clarity -- no conspiracy theories or half-truths that often further obfuscate discussion of the secretive monetary authority. The Austrian (and true) perspective on the Fed is not to be horrified that the Fed isn't a government agency (it is, even if indirectly), but to be outraged that all banks are essentially arms of the government. We don't need the government to have even more control over the money supply, we need it to have no control whatsoever (the exact opposite of what movies like FREEDOM TO FASCISM seem to suggest). What's more, Dr. Paul doesn't spread the myth that the Fed somehow profits as an entity when it creates money (its profits go to the Treasury), but instead, politically connected individuals and businesses profit at the expense of working-class and poor families. You see, the effects of inflation are not uniform -- the Fed System works as a wealth redistribution system from poor and middle-class to the rich and politically connected. How so? Buy this book and find out!
Finally, the book ends with the self-titled seventh chapter in which Dr. Paul lays out a moderate and realistic course that could be accomplished over one or two presidential terms. I'm tempted to share this blueprint for you here but I don't want to discourage anyone from buying the book. Instead, I'll use the last few words of this review to lament the fact that this blueprint will certainly not be implemented by the next president. Perhaps a young man or woman who volunteered for Ron Paul's campaign in 2008 will work his or her way up through the political establishment and be swept into office, with a like-minded Paulian Congress, sixteen years from now (just as Reagan followed sixteen years after Goldwater -- not that either of these two are to be looked at as heroes. . .). We can only hope that the Republic can endure that long!
Il faut remonter à l'esprit des "Pères Fondateurs": Jefferson, Washington... et à la Constitution U.S. pour répondre aux problèmes de notre temps: politique économique, gestion monétaire, politique étrangère, libertés civiles et personnelles.
Le propos et les références utilisées témoignent d'une inscription dans le libéralisme classique, "The Revolution" nous éclaire face à la crise actuelle, monétaire, morale et politique. Voilà l'idéologie américaine en ce qu'elle a de meilleur.
Dr. Paul wrote the book during his 2007-2008 campaign for the Republican nomination. As usual, it was designed to educate rather than get him elected and put forth some ideas that would clearly be rejected by many on both the right and left. Dr. Paul explains why the average voter must care about liberty and why the debate is not simply economic.
There are seven chapters plus a reading list that individuals who care about liberty can use as a reference that will lead them to further reading that will expand Dr. Paul's ideas and introduce new ones as well as more layers that may be useful to the skeptics.
Early in the book, in his first chapter, titled, "The False Choices of American Politics", he quotes Robert Taft:
"And when I say liberty I do not simply mean what is referred to as "free enterprise." I mean liberty of the individual to think his own thoughts and live his own life as he desires to think and to live; the liberty of the family to decide how they wish to live, what they want to eat for breakfast and for dinner, and how they wish to spend their time; liberty of a man to develop his ideas and get other people to teach those ideas, if he can convince them that they have some value to the world; liberty of every local community to decide how its children shall be educated, how its local services shall be run, and who its local leaders shall be; liberty of a man to choose his own occupation; and liberty of a man to run his own business as he thinks it ought to be run, as long as he does not interfere with the right of other people to do the same thing."
In the same chapter, he points out that it is considered revolutionary to question the accumulation of power in Washington has been good for Americans or to ask basic questions about privacy, police-state actions, social liberty, taxation, etc. Each of these is tied to the original intent and arguments made by America's Founding Fathers. He also points out that people like him are criticized for saying exactly the same things that the Founding Fathers said.
The second chapter is titled, "The Foreign Policy of the Founding Fathers." Dr. Paul begins with Jefferson's first inaugural address, where President Jefferson called for, "Peace, commerce and honest friendship with all nations; entangling alliances with none," and reminds us that George Washington had said essentially the same thing.
George Washington's Farewell Address
Ironically, he cites George Bush, who ran against Gore on the idea of a modest foreign policy that the Founding Fathers would have approved of and called for avoiding the nation building that was favoured by progressives. It was Bush, not Gore, who had said, "And let us have an American foreign policy that reflects American character. The modesty of true strength. The humility of real greatness." Of course, Bush rejected his own advice after 9/11 and Americans are still living with the consequences. I was particularly pleased with the emphasis that he gave to John Quincy Adams when he went beyond his often cited quote that America does not go abroad in search of monsters to destroy. Add to that the Henry Clay quote, which I did not expect given Dr. Paul's problem with Clay on other issues and the reference to Richard Cobden, and the second chapter is worth the price of the Kindle version on its own.
Dr. Paul makes it clear that the critics of noninterventionism are hypocrites because they do not extend their argument against the policies recommended and followed by America's Founding Fathers. He also deals a fatal blow to the neocons by pointing out that 9/11 and other events have been caused by blowback from policies that they have not just supported but in many cases created.
Dying to Win: The Strategic Logic of Suicide Terrorism
Blowback: The Costs and Consequences of American Empire (American Empire Project)
I think that many readers who are not familiar with the concept may benefit from the discussion on the just-war tradition. Conservative Christians may particularly be interested in understanding why their position is in conflict with a Christian tradition that has been around since the fourth century.
I will not cover the other five chapters other than to say that all are worth reading very carefully. I would also take a close look at Dr. Paul's reading list because there are a number of great books on it that I have found very useful.

