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An Uncertain Glory: India and its Contradictions Hardcover – 4 July 2013
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From two of India's leading economists, Jean Drèze (Hunger and Public Action) and Nobel Prize-winner Amartya Sen (The Idea of Justice), An Uncertain Glory is a passionate, considered argument for the need for a greater understanding of inequalities in India, despite economic development.
When India regained independence from colonial rule in 1947, it immediately adopted a firmly democratic political system, with multiple parties, freedom of speech and extensive political rights. The famines of the British era disappeared, and steady economic growth replaced stagnation, accelerating further over the last three decades to make India's growth the second fastest among large economies. Despite a recent dip, it is still one of the highest in the world.
Maintaining rapid yet environmentally sustainable growth remains an important and achieveable goal for India. Drèze and Sen argue that the country's main problems lie in the disregarding of the essential needs of the people. There have been major failures both to foster participatory growth and to make good use of the public resources generated by economic growth to enhance people's living conditions; social and physical services remain inadequate, from schooling and medical care to safe water, electricity, and sanitation. In the long run, even high economic growth is threatened by the underdevelopment of infrastructure and the neglect of human capabilities, in contrast with the holistic approach pioneered by Japan, South Korea and China.
In a democracy, addressing these failures requires not only significant policy change, but also a clearer public understanding of the abysmal extent of deprivation in the country. Yet public discussion in India tends to be constricted to the lives and concerns of the relatively affluent. This book presents a powerful analysis not only of India's deprivations and inequalities, but also of the restraints on addressing them - and of the possibility of change through democratic practice.
- Print length448 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherAllen Lane
- Publication date4 July 2013
- Dimensions16.2 x 3.9 x 24 cm
- ISBN-101846147611
- ISBN-13978-1846147616
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From the Inside Flap
When India became independent in 1947 after two centuries of colonial rule, it immediately adopted a firmly democratic political system, with multiple parties, freedom of speech and extensive political rights. The famines of the British era disappeared, and steady economic growth replaced the economic stagnation of the Raj. The growth of the Indian economy quickened further over the last three decades and became the second fastest among large economies. Despite a recent dip, it is still one of the highest in the world.
Maintaining rapid as well as environmentally sustainable growth remains an important and achieveable goal for India. In An Uncertain Glory, two of India's leading economists argue that the country's main problems lie in the lack of attention paid to the essential needs of the people, especially of the poor, and often of women. There have been major failures both to foster participatory growth and to make good use of the public resources generated by economic growth to enhance people's living conditions. There is also a continued inadequacy of social services such as schooling and medical care as well as of physical services such as safe water, electricity, drainage, transport and sanitation. In the long run, even the feasibility of high economic growth is threatened by the underdevelopment of social and physical infrastructure and the neglect of human capabilities, in contrast with the Asian approach of simultaneous pursuit of economic growth and human development, as pioneered by Japan, South Korea and China.
In a democratic system, which India has great reason to value, addressing these failures requires not only significant policy rethinking by the government, but also a clearer public understanding of the abysmal extent of social and economic deprivations in the country. Yet the deep inequalities in Indian society tend to constrict public discussion to the lives and concerns of the relatively affluent. This book presents a powerful analysis not only of India's deprivations and inequalities, but also of the restraints on addressing them - and of the possibility of change through democratic practice.
From the Back Cover
'In dealing with India's multitude of problems, there may well be a temptation - but not a serious reason - for India to give up or reduce its long commitment to democracy, for which so many people have fought and out of which so much good has already come to the country. It is deeply disappointing that more use has not been made of the opportunities offered by a political democracy and a free society to solve the problems that so many Indians continue to face. The success of a democracy depends ultimately on the vigour of its practice, and with that in mind, the book presents material for informed and reasoned public engagement. The important task is not so much to find a 'new India', but to contribute to making one.'
[adapted from Chapter I, 'A New India?']
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Product details
- Publisher : Allen Lane (4 July 2013)
- Language : English
- Hardcover : 448 pages
- ISBN-10 : 1846147611
- ISBN-13 : 978-1846147616
- Dimensions : 16.2 x 3.9 x 24 cm
- Best Sellers Rank: 1,941,553 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- 2,758 in History of South Asia
- 251,925 in Social Sciences (Books)
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About the authors

Amartya Sen is Professor of Economics and Professor of Philosophy at Harvard. He was Master of Trinity College, Cambridge, from 1998 to 2004, and won the Nobel Prize for Economics in 1998. His many celebrated books including Development as Freedom (1999), The Argumentative Indian (2005), Identity and Violence: The Illusion of Destiny (2007), and The Idea of Justice (2010), have been translated into more than 40 languages. In 2012 he received the National Humanities Medal from President Obama and in 2020 he was awarded the Peace Prize of the German Book Trade by President Steinmeier.

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Social indicators not only lag countries of India's GDP per capita level, but are simply abysmal. Here's an example: outside of sub-Saharan Africa, India is the sixteenth poorest country per capita. The authors turn the stats on their head by defining those sixteen countries as India's peer group. Among them, to be clear, India is the richest. Regardless, there are barely any measures, from life expectancy at birth, to child immunization, to access to a toilet (55% of Indians have to defecate outdoors, if you must ask) where India can hold its head up high compared with earthly paradises such as Vietnam, Moldova, Uzbekistan and Laos, not to mention how backward it's made to look by much poorer Bangladesh and three times poorer Nepal.
Moreover, India seems to be rapidly falling behind. The authors rank India, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka on 12 measures, including per capita GDP, life expectancy, infant mortality rate, under-5 mortality rate, etc. and compare 1990 figures with 2011. India's average rank has only improved on a single measure (it has gone from fourth to third in GDP per capita) and has regressed or stagnated across the 11 remaining measures.
The numbers themselves make you cry:
43% of children are underweight
26% are never immunized for measles
26% of young women (15-24) can't read
It gets worse than that. India is far from uniform. There are states that look almost like the rest of the world, such as Kerala (human development index 0.97) and states that don't bear looking at. In Bihar, female literacy is 37%, a mere 44% of children can pass a simple reading test, 84.8 out of 1,000 children under 5 will die before they reach that age, in part because only 32.8% are fully immunized, and more than half the population is below India's unfathomably low poverty line.
What's to be done?
Education is a good starting place. At the time of India's liberation from the British, very few could read. The literacy rate was 18%, quite unbelievably. So the task was momentous, but India did not prove up to it. Much poorer Nepal (adult literacy rate 9% in 1960, versus 28% in India) has caught up, for example, with a 60% adult literacy score in 2011 versus 63% for India. Even today, some 20% of kids in India never attend school and in many of the schools (12% to be precise) there's only one teacher. He is a state employee and earns on average three times more than their parents, but often as much as six times. Half the teaching hours go wasted on average due to 20% teacher absenteeism and 33% student absenteeism. And in a study quoted by the authors, half the schools visited by an inspector did not have a head teacher at the time of the visit.
The authors blame Gandhi and Nehru, who allegedly believed it was more important for the youth to learn a craft than to acquire an official education. Whatever the case might be, those leaders have not been in power for decades and there's something that needs to be done. The authors note that there is enormous divergence between states. Therefore, studying what the states have done that have the good results ought to be an excellent starting point. No surprises, then, those are the states where the government has taken seriously the task of educating the young. Places like Tamil Nadu and Himachal Pradesh. The authors have nothing against private education, but follow basic economic theory, which states that for goods with high positive externalities and high incidence of market failure, there is a strong case to be made for government intervention. Other important contributions come from the hot meal that both nudges pupils to attend and helps them concentrate, on top of forcing pupils of all backgrounds to mix and offering work to the women who prepare it. Standardized evaluation, famous for all its sundry drawbacks, is in the authors' opinion entirely appropriate for the current state of Indian education.
Healthcare is another important issue that needs to be addressed. The current healthcare situation is a crisis. The authors don't mince words here. They lay the blame squarely on the American-style private healthcare system. India only spends 1.2% of GDP on healthcare, less than half the percentage China spends, for example. In numbers, 39 dollars per citizen per annum. This evidently does not go a long way. 74% of preschool kids in India suffer from anaemia, 61% from Vitamin A deficiency. 46% are more than 2 standard deviations lighter in weight than they ought to be. The list goes on. When it comes to healthcare, the authors are downright categorical as to where the answer lies: with the much-maligned Integrated Child Development Services and equally maligned Primary Health Centres. Yes, they often deserve all the criticism they get, and more. However, the statistics could not be more clear: where these services are taken seriously by the state, the standards of healthcare are head and shoulders above the rest of the land. Getting these two already existing programs to work should take first precedence. However, this will entail a fight against the business interests of private medicine. Should these interests prevail, the authors believe that it will be a one-way street to an American style health system which (uniquely for this book, which is jam-packed with data) they reject pretty much in principle as inappropriate for this stage in India's development.
Poverty, Inequality (across class, caste and gender) and corruption are the three other big problems the authors identify. Again, they mostly see the state as the first line of attack on all these fronts (for example through the monthly distribution of the 35kg of rice to poor families), but their arguments are more nuanced and subtle here than for healthcare and education. They don't see how things can change overnight, but they observe very happily that attitudes are changing. Practices that used to be normal are now frowned up.
The book sometimes drifts into philosophy, which I found fascinating. Consider, for example, how democracy served India better than dictatorship served China in the fifties and sixties. Mao let millions starve during the Great Leap Forward. This was impossible to do in democratic India. These days, on the other hand, China's more efficient dictatorship can be credited with delivering its subjects from poverty, bringing them education and assuring them healthcare, while India's democracy has spawned corruption and to a great extent failed its citizens.
The authors choose to emphasize two further issues above all.
First, progress relative to the survival of girls versus boys is being reversed. Depending on how hot it is in a country, babies conceived are anywhere between 900 girls for 1000 boys and 960 girls for 1000 boys. Girls are better survivors, so at birth they're typically doing better. Call it 940 girls per 1000 boys on average. By age 6 in older days when medicine was not advanced, the numbers would totally even out. Not in India. Girls suffer at every step of the way. More so in the upper classes, too. And more so today than ten years ago. In 2011 there's 914 girls age 6 for every 1000 boys in India, down from 927 in 2001. While the poor states are improving (so Punjab has improved from 798 to 846, which represents great improvement) in West Bengal (where you'll find Kolkata) the presumed use of selective abortion among the rich has brought the number down from 960 to 950. The authors struggle to propose a solution to this awful problem.
Second, and equally disturbing, none of the topics discussed above seem to be part of the public discourse. While India enjoys a genuinely free press, which the authors are proud of and, indeed, celebrate, it is very uncomfortable discussing the problems that afflict the vast majority of Indian citizens. The authors believe that the top echelons of society live in a parallel world where the plight of the poor majority is a taboo that never gets discussed. As with every argument they make in the book, they provide the full set of statistics
The result is that the wherewithal of the state is wasted on subsidies to the lower strata among the affluent. Subsidized fuel for their automobiles, subsidized fertilizer etc.
So the book has three purposes:
1. To air in public all the issues that never get discussed
2. To suggest that the newly found GDP growth is an opportunity that needs to be harnessed
3. To expose that the tax take from this newly created GDP needs to be funnelled from the state to those who really need it.
Contrary to what other reviews here seem to suggest, I believe it succeeds at all three levels.
India could easily afford to remove this shameful blight but elite groups have put their own interests above everything else and politicians have colluded.
This is a brilliant book by brilliant authors. It leaves an uneasy sense that the situation could easily persist and there is nothing anyone outside India can do about it. Dreze and Sen call for intense public debate and much more willingness to challenge vested interests. But where is this new dynamism to come from? Why should the situation change simply because it is morally repugnant?
Although this is a weighty academic work it has a message for anyone connected with India, although most of all for Indian people because they alone can bring about a solution. It is an issue of priorities within a democracy.
If the case was put more simply, not in content but in readability it would be more readable and more accessible to the millions they are attempting to reach. I am afraid this will only reach a few who will nod wisely and pass on. I feel a paperback edition slimmed down by half could become a much more punchy addition to the sub continental and wider debate.
They discuss at great length, and with copious charts and tables, exactly why India's economic revolution seems to be stalling.
In the end, they say, it's down to not spending the money on education and medical support on the 80% of the population who are rural and poor but using the taxes to prop up the middle class and a corrupt political system.
It's an interesting way of saying, in a very long winded way, what Gandhi said 70 years ago: "The future of India lies in the villages".





