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The Interest: How the British Establishment Resisted the Abolition of Slavery Hardcover – 5 Nov. 2020
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Michael Taylor
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Michael Taylor
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Print length400 pages
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LanguageEnglish
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PublisherBodley Head
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Publication date5 Nov. 2020
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Dimensions16.3 x 4 x 24.2 cm
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ISBN-101847925715
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ISBN-13978-1847925718
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Product details
- Publisher : Bodley Head (5 Nov. 2020)
- Language : English
- Hardcover : 400 pages
- ISBN-10 : 1847925715
- ISBN-13 : 978-1847925718
- Dimensions : 16.3 x 4 x 24.2 cm
-
Best Sellers Rank:
17,459 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- 9 in Georgian & Regency Britain History
- 59 in History of Slavery
- 661 in Government & Politics
- Customer reviews:
Product description
Review
An outstanding and gripping revelation ... essential reading -- Simon Sebag Montefiore
Scintillating ... In twenty brisk, gripping chapters, Taylor charts the course from the foundation of the Anti-Slavery Society in 1823 to the final passage of the Slavery Abolition Act in 1833. Part of what makes this a compulsively readable book is his skill in cross-cutting between three groups of protagonists. On one track, we follow the abolitionist campaigners on their lengthy, uphill battle ... This well-known story is reanimated by some brilliant pen-portraits ... A second strand illuminates the fears and bigotries of white British West Indians ... The main focus of the book, however, is on the colonists' powerful domestic allies, the so-called West India Interest ... Taylor paints a vivid picture of their outlook, organisation and superior political connections ... As this timely, sobering book reminds us, British abolition cannot be celebrated as an inevitable or precocious national triumph. It was not the end, but only the beginning -- Fara Dabhoiwala ― Guardian
One achievement of Taylor's fascinating book is that, for the first time in a book about abolition, it gives equal weight to the force of pro-slavery ... Taylor's political analysis is first-rate and riveting ... He argues that emancipation was neither inevitable nor altruistic; party politics in Westminster and rebellion from the West Indies played as much a role as moral outrage. Taylor's achievement [is to] show that, thanks to the power of the Interest, being pro-slavery was seen as a respectable, even popular, position in British politics until the day of its demise. Above all, he reminds us of the role of those who have been unsung in this story - of Mary Prince, Samuel Sharpe and Quamina -- Ben Wilson ― The Times
A magnificent book ... riveting -- Ian Thomson ― Evening Standard
Powerful ... engrossing ... Taylor's potent book shows why slavery took root as an essential part of British national life -- Martin Chilton ― Independent
Taylor can tell a story superbly and has a fine eye for detail ... His argument is a potent and necessary corrective to a cosy national myth ― Economist
Taylor superbly brings to life all the intrigue, machinations, heavy-lifting, rigmarole and chance of the tortuous path to abolition -- H Kumarasingham ― Literary Review
Impressively researched and engagingly written -- Dominic Sandbrook ― Sunday Times
Impressive ... Taylor tells a compelling story, graced with anecdotes but driven by argument, that moves the reader to and fro between London and the Caribbean, and between aristocratic houses and anti-slavery rallies ... with fierce moral passion ... Taylor vividly evokes the slave revolts ... reveals some of the atrocities perpetrated by slave-owners ... Yet the book's primary focus is political because, as Taylor emphasises, the abolition of slavery turned to a large extent on events at Westminster ... Yet votes were not enough; bribery was also vital ... The writing of British history must encompass slave-power, not just sea-power - as Taylor's scorching book makes clear -- David Reynolds ― New Statesman
Michael Taylor's well-researched The Interest is ... about abolition, but it focuses on the grandees who fought against it, mostly for reasons of greed ... those seeking a catalogue of the country's old iniquities need look no further -- Simon Heffer ― Telegraph Books of the Year
Scintillating ... In twenty brisk, gripping chapters, Taylor charts the course from the foundation of the Anti-Slavery Society in 1823 to the final passage of the Slavery Abolition Act in 1833. Part of what makes this a compulsively readable book is his skill in cross-cutting between three groups of protagonists. On one track, we follow the abolitionist campaigners on their lengthy, uphill battle ... This well-known story is reanimated by some brilliant pen-portraits ... A second strand illuminates the fears and bigotries of white British West Indians ... The main focus of the book, however, is on the colonists' powerful domestic allies, the so-called West India Interest ... Taylor paints a vivid picture of their outlook, organisation and superior political connections ... As this timely, sobering book reminds us, British abolition cannot be celebrated as an inevitable or precocious national triumph. It was not the end, but only the beginning -- Fara Dabhoiwala ― Guardian
One achievement of Taylor's fascinating book is that, for the first time in a book about abolition, it gives equal weight to the force of pro-slavery ... Taylor's political analysis is first-rate and riveting ... He argues that emancipation was neither inevitable nor altruistic; party politics in Westminster and rebellion from the West Indies played as much a role as moral outrage. Taylor's achievement [is to] show that, thanks to the power of the Interest, being pro-slavery was seen as a respectable, even popular, position in British politics until the day of its demise. Above all, he reminds us of the role of those who have been unsung in this story - of Mary Prince, Samuel Sharpe and Quamina -- Ben Wilson ― The Times
A magnificent book ... riveting -- Ian Thomson ― Evening Standard
Powerful ... engrossing ... Taylor's potent book shows why slavery took root as an essential part of British national life -- Martin Chilton ― Independent
Taylor can tell a story superbly and has a fine eye for detail ... His argument is a potent and necessary corrective to a cosy national myth ― Economist
Taylor superbly brings to life all the intrigue, machinations, heavy-lifting, rigmarole and chance of the tortuous path to abolition -- H Kumarasingham ― Literary Review
Impressively researched and engagingly written -- Dominic Sandbrook ― Sunday Times
Impressive ... Taylor tells a compelling story, graced with anecdotes but driven by argument, that moves the reader to and fro between London and the Caribbean, and between aristocratic houses and anti-slavery rallies ... with fierce moral passion ... Taylor vividly evokes the slave revolts ... reveals some of the atrocities perpetrated by slave-owners ... Yet the book's primary focus is political because, as Taylor emphasises, the abolition of slavery turned to a large extent on events at Westminster ... Yet votes were not enough; bribery was also vital ... The writing of British history must encompass slave-power, not just sea-power - as Taylor's scorching book makes clear -- David Reynolds ― New Statesman
Michael Taylor's well-researched The Interest is ... about abolition, but it focuses on the grandees who fought against it, mostly for reasons of greed ... those seeking a catalogue of the country's old iniquities need look no further -- Simon Heffer ― Telegraph Books of the Year
About the Author
Michael Taylor is an historian of colonial slavery, the British Empire and the British Isles. He graduated with a double first in history from the University of Cambridge, where he earned his PhD - and also won University Challenge. He has since been Lecturer in Modern British History at Balliol College, Oxford, and he is currently a Visiting Fellow at the British Library's Eccles Centre for American Studies.
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Customer reviews
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50 global ratings
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Reviewed in the United Kingdom on 29 December 2020
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This description of how both British governments of the day supported slavery and thwarted all attempts to stop the practice is original and essential work and reading. It also gives a lot of detail of how the anti-slavery movement tried in so many ways to make there politicians change their minds but only after agreeing to pay slave owners 40% of the national GDP as compensation was the practice partially brought to an end. It is not without significance that when the Treasury stopped in 2015 paying for this compensation, it bragged about how they had stopped slavery - what a twisted view of events!
One person found this helpful
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Reviewed in the United Kingdom on 6 November 2020
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It is a challenge for any historian to strike a balance between scholarly authority and entertainment, yet this is what Michael Taylor accomplishes. Make no mistake, this is a book with intellectual weight, but one enlivened by anecdotal accounts of its leading characters. A thoroughly engrossing read that explodes many of the national myths around abolition, I cannot recommend this book enough. A memorable debut!
2 people found this helpful
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Reviewed in the United Kingdom on 27 December 2020
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A brilliant research achievement - yet very readable. A sobering antidote for all those naive people who are minded to go along with the Boris Johnson/Jacob Rees-Mogg misuse of the sanitised and misunderstood history they so little understand.
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Reviewed in the United Kingdom on 14 November 2020
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Brilliant read. Well written.
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on 11 January 2021
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Very readable and easily followed, which is important as it is a chilling episode of English history. Highly recommended.
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on 6 December 2020
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Book and cover ripped. Very expensive for £10
1.0 out of 5 stars
Very damaged; overpriced
By sam on 6 December 2020
Book and cover ripped. Very expensive for £10
By sam on 6 December 2020
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Reviewed in the United Kingdom on 5 November 2020
This book is an examination of the 25 year or so 19th century debate over whether, when and how to abolish colonial slave holding (slave trading have being abolished in 1807, the Slavery Abolition Act did not take place until 1833).
The book examines the better known figures of the anti-slavery campaign, but its key distinction is its equal treatment of the many influential establishment figures who populated the pro-slavery campaign, including: the Caribbean countries themselves, their terrible practices, their fear of slave revolts both real and imagined and their blatant travesties of justice in suppressing them, their relentless persecution of non-conformist ministers, the inspiration they took from the US declaration of independence and their resistance to British interference; the British based “West Indies Interest” – partly representatives of the colonial interest but also representing the many parties in Britain with financial interest, both direct and indirect, in slavery; those who simply regarded Africans as at best an inferior form of humanity and so in their prejudices tried framed their opposition to abolition on spurious/ignorant religious or scientific grounds; conservatives who simply resisted any attempt at change as being too risky and risking revolution home and abroad; and (perhaps most shockingly to me) many of the political radicals in Britain who saw the anti-slavery campaign as at best a distraction from campaigning for poverty relief and reform at home and at worst were taken in by the propaganda of the interest about the conditions endured by slaves when compared to say factory workers.
The book’s treatment can at times feel lengthy and the changing cast of characters confusing (as the fortunes of the two campaigns oscillate – sometimes with events in the West Indies, sometimes with other political developments: both the 1832 Reform Act and the issue of Catholic emancipation interact in complex ways with the slavery question); but the author does helpfully signpost where he is going at the start and end of chapters.
As the book progresses the author demonstrates comprehensively that:
“the Abolition Act was neither the inevitable bequest of sweeping anti-slavery sentiment and the triumphant march of British ‘justice’, nor was it a simple coda to the better-known campaign against the slave trade. In reality, the passage of the Act had relied upon several factors: the political collapse of the Tories which led to Reform and the return of a sympathetic House of Commons; the persistent pressure applied by the Anti-Slavery and Agency societies; and the violent slave resistance that finally convinced the British public of the immoral, unsustainable nature of slavery. Until those factors combined in the early 1830s, defending slavery was a tenable, popular position for British conservatives, imperialists, economists, and more besides. Until 1833, slavery had been an essential part of British national life, as much as the Church of England, the monarchy, or the liberties granted by the Glorious Revolution. When we remember it otherwise, we promulgate a self-serving and misleading version of British history.”
And that
"the British ‘remember’ that Parliament abolished slavery, but not that Parliament had spent two hundred years encouraging and protecting slavery in the first place; they remember the selflessness of white abolitionists, but not the suffering – let alone the loves, lives, hopes, and dreams – of the enslaved and the sacrifices that they made in order to undermine the institution of slavery"
An epilogue to the book examines the discussions among Caribbean nations for reparatory justice from Britain for the long lasting impacts of slavery and, perhaps more powerfully, the way in which the legacy of slavery is still deeply embedded in so many aspects of modern Britain, with so many central figures (historians, theologians, politicians, business dynasty founders, writers, journalists) implicated in its defence (or in white washing its history) and so many Universities, businesses, financial firms, infrastructure, buildings, country estates funded not just by slave fortunes (but by the unprecedented “compensation” that the government paid to colonial slaveholders – not to slaves – after emancipation).
Overall this is a very timely book – the author himself admits that events of 2020 have overtaken his epilogue as he was writing it – and one I would definitely recommend as an essential part of any attempt to understand British history.
The book examines the better known figures of the anti-slavery campaign, but its key distinction is its equal treatment of the many influential establishment figures who populated the pro-slavery campaign, including: the Caribbean countries themselves, their terrible practices, their fear of slave revolts both real and imagined and their blatant travesties of justice in suppressing them, their relentless persecution of non-conformist ministers, the inspiration they took from the US declaration of independence and their resistance to British interference; the British based “West Indies Interest” – partly representatives of the colonial interest but also representing the many parties in Britain with financial interest, both direct and indirect, in slavery; those who simply regarded Africans as at best an inferior form of humanity and so in their prejudices tried framed their opposition to abolition on spurious/ignorant religious or scientific grounds; conservatives who simply resisted any attempt at change as being too risky and risking revolution home and abroad; and (perhaps most shockingly to me) many of the political radicals in Britain who saw the anti-slavery campaign as at best a distraction from campaigning for poverty relief and reform at home and at worst were taken in by the propaganda of the interest about the conditions endured by slaves when compared to say factory workers.
The book’s treatment can at times feel lengthy and the changing cast of characters confusing (as the fortunes of the two campaigns oscillate – sometimes with events in the West Indies, sometimes with other political developments: both the 1832 Reform Act and the issue of Catholic emancipation interact in complex ways with the slavery question); but the author does helpfully signpost where he is going at the start and end of chapters.
As the book progresses the author demonstrates comprehensively that:
“the Abolition Act was neither the inevitable bequest of sweeping anti-slavery sentiment and the triumphant march of British ‘justice’, nor was it a simple coda to the better-known campaign against the slave trade. In reality, the passage of the Act had relied upon several factors: the political collapse of the Tories which led to Reform and the return of a sympathetic House of Commons; the persistent pressure applied by the Anti-Slavery and Agency societies; and the violent slave resistance that finally convinced the British public of the immoral, unsustainable nature of slavery. Until those factors combined in the early 1830s, defending slavery was a tenable, popular position for British conservatives, imperialists, economists, and more besides. Until 1833, slavery had been an essential part of British national life, as much as the Church of England, the monarchy, or the liberties granted by the Glorious Revolution. When we remember it otherwise, we promulgate a self-serving and misleading version of British history.”
And that
"the British ‘remember’ that Parliament abolished slavery, but not that Parliament had spent two hundred years encouraging and protecting slavery in the first place; they remember the selflessness of white abolitionists, but not the suffering – let alone the loves, lives, hopes, and dreams – of the enslaved and the sacrifices that they made in order to undermine the institution of slavery"
An epilogue to the book examines the discussions among Caribbean nations for reparatory justice from Britain for the long lasting impacts of slavery and, perhaps more powerfully, the way in which the legacy of slavery is still deeply embedded in so many aspects of modern Britain, with so many central figures (historians, theologians, politicians, business dynasty founders, writers, journalists) implicated in its defence (or in white washing its history) and so many Universities, businesses, financial firms, infrastructure, buildings, country estates funded not just by slave fortunes (but by the unprecedented “compensation” that the government paid to colonial slaveholders – not to slaves – after emancipation).
Overall this is a very timely book – the author himself admits that events of 2020 have overtaken his epilogue as he was writing it – and one I would definitely recommend as an essential part of any attempt to understand British history.
8 people found this helpful
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Reviewed in the United Kingdom on 6 November 2020
Taylor has written an exhaustive, much-needed and timely antidote to Britain's self-congratulatory narrative on slavery, telling the underlying story of how, firstly, Britain abolished the slave *trade* but not slavery as an institution; how the West Indian Interest of slave-holders in combination with a primarily (though not exclusively) Tory interest of Establishment bodies, including the Anglican Church, bankers and financiers, publishers and newspapers, worked together to maintain around 700,000 enslaved men, women and children in the Caribbean colonies; how it took over ten years for *slave-owning* to be made illegal; how, even then, it was abolished in name only, with only children under 6 being emancipated, and everyone else having to work for free in order to purchase their freedom; and how the compensation that was so vast it was only paid off in 2018 was allocated to the *slave-owners* not the enslaved to make up to them for the loss of their 'property'.
It's a fascinating and shameful story told in an accessible way - and one of the most insidious aspects is that it's a story that is still 'hidden' and not generally known today. Taylor's narrative is based on his doctoral research so is evidenced extensively and told with balance and judgment (though his own personal feelings are made quite clear) but scholarly paraphernalia is tucked away at the back and doesn't disrupt the story.
One of the most enlightening aspects for me is the extent to which 'popular' figures from the period were pro-slavery and, often, outspoken in the way they racialised the institution: the Duke of Wellington and Robert Peel may be no surprise but that Anthony Trollope praised a propaganda book of pro-slavery stories as did Samuel Taylor Coleridge, and that Elizabeth Barrett Browning mourned the way abolition would 'ruin' Jamaica where her family owned a slave-worked sugar plantation comes as a nasty shock. It's hard to be reminded that figures who we admire for their literary work might have held vastly different and insupportable political opinions.
The point that Taylor discusses at the end is that this isn't 'just' history but has also shaped modern Britain and the Caribbean: the slave-owners who received a vast compensation have passed down their legacy of capital (part-funded by modern tax-payers - the government bond debt was only paid off in 2018), privilege and status to their descendants, as well as their buildings, monuments and statues amongst which we live. Absolutely of the moment, this is essential reading, I'd say.
It's a fascinating and shameful story told in an accessible way - and one of the most insidious aspects is that it's a story that is still 'hidden' and not generally known today. Taylor's narrative is based on his doctoral research so is evidenced extensively and told with balance and judgment (though his own personal feelings are made quite clear) but scholarly paraphernalia is tucked away at the back and doesn't disrupt the story.
One of the most enlightening aspects for me is the extent to which 'popular' figures from the period were pro-slavery and, often, outspoken in the way they racialised the institution: the Duke of Wellington and Robert Peel may be no surprise but that Anthony Trollope praised a propaganda book of pro-slavery stories as did Samuel Taylor Coleridge, and that Elizabeth Barrett Browning mourned the way abolition would 'ruin' Jamaica where her family owned a slave-worked sugar plantation comes as a nasty shock. It's hard to be reminded that figures who we admire for their literary work might have held vastly different and insupportable political opinions.
The point that Taylor discusses at the end is that this isn't 'just' history but has also shaped modern Britain and the Caribbean: the slave-owners who received a vast compensation have passed down their legacy of capital (part-funded by modern tax-payers - the government bond debt was only paid off in 2018), privilege and status to their descendants, as well as their buildings, monuments and statues amongst which we live. Absolutely of the moment, this is essential reading, I'd say.
7 people found this helpful
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