The Globalization of NATO Paperback – 1 May 2012
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"[R}eally necessary to understanding the role of NATO within the frame of long-term US strategy...not only provides an articulate analysis on the Atlantic Alliance: it is the best modern text devoted to the hegemonic alliance." Tiberio Graziani, President, Institute of Advanced Geopolitics
"What amazes many of us in other parts of the world are his seemingly limitless depth, breadth and the thoroughness of his knowledge" Kiyul Chung, Editor-in Chief of The 4th Media and Visiting Professor, Tsinghua University, Beijing.
"Nazemroaya's book is a must-read for any European or other NATO state citizen who wants to understand the danger the American-driven Alliance presents to world harmony and peace." Denis J. Halliday, former UN Assistant Secretary-General, 1994-1998
""The Globalization of NATO by Mahdi Darius Nazemroaya is simply magnificent..." MIGUEL D'ESCOTO BROCKMANN, Former President, United Nations General Assembly
Nazemroaya's book, in addition to reminding us that the role of the United Nations has been confiscated by NATO, elaborates in the danger the North Atlantic Treaty represents to world peace. -Jose L. Gomez del Prado, Chairman, United Nations Working Group on the Use of Mercenaries (2005-2011)"
About the Author
Mahdi Darius Nazemroaya is a sociologist, award-winning author and noted geopolitical analyst. He is a research associate at the Centre for Research on Globalization in Montreal, Quebec and specializes on the Middle East-North Africa region and Central Asia.
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Nazemroaya notes NATO’s wars against Yugoslavia, Afghanistan, Iraq, Somalia, Sudan, Libya and Syria. He shows how NATO aims to strengthen its military grip on the world, control the world’s energy resources and trade routes, and encircle countries likely to oppose these goals. NATO wants its global navy to control the world’s strategic waters like the Black Sea (to cut Russia off from its ally Syria), the South China Sea (to cut China off from energy supplies and natural resources) and the Persian Gulf (to hem in Iran).
Other chapters explore NATO’s Mediterranean Dialogue, its Persian Gulf Security Initiative, the Global Missile Shield Project, its activities in Africa, its militarisation of Japan and the Asia-Pacific area, its drive to encircle Russia, China and Iran and their counter-alliance, and the threat of World War Three.
Nazemroaya writes, “Western Europe through NATO and the EU forms the primary bridgehead of the United States into Eurasia from its westernmost area, which is part of the Euro-Atlantic Zone.” He comments, “In reality the EU has worked to either absorb or erase any other European alternatives to itself, especially in the Balkans and the European portions of the former USSR.Read more ›
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In fact, there is a method to the madness. I don't mean just the pressure that President Eisenhower warned us would be created by massive military spending. I mean that the war planners have planned far ahead. They have lists of upcoming wars. (In 2001, according to Wesley Clark, the Pentagon sought wars in the coming years with Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Libya, Somalia, Sudan, and Iran. Tony Blair independently confirmed a similar list.) They invent the public excuses for those wars as the need arises. The actual motivations are not humanitarian, but driven by a crazed desire to dominate the world's economies, waterways, and fossil fuels.
The papers of the 1990s pro-war think tank, the Project for the New American Century, fit with and explain what the United States and NATO and their allies have done for the past 11 years far better than President Bush's speech given on the wreckage of the World Trade Center or anything announced by the White House right up through President Obama's latest campaign speeches this week.
A new book called "The Globalization of NATO" by Mahdi Darius Nazemroaya traces the development of NATO, from a supposedly defensive and North Atlantic organization, into an aggressive and global one, albeit one with some deep internal rivalries and tensions.
World War II never ended. The Nazi scientists were brought to the United States to continue developing weapons. Secret forces were left behind, within European governments ("Gladio" is the well-known name of the force in Italy), where they killed and lied in support of right-leaning governments for decades, and in support of NATO's strength and unity.
"The Globalization of NATO" looks not only at NATO's 1990s wars in Yugoslavia, but at the U.S. machinations during the 1980s that led to conflict there. As Nazemroaya notes, in 2009, the U.S. eagerly pointed out that the language of Moldova is essentially Romanian, but had when useful in the 1990s tried to claim that the Serbo-Croatian of Bosnia was a different language from the Serbo-Croatian of Serbia. Such claims, like outrage at human rights abuses in Syria and Iran but not in Bahrain or Saudi Arabia, are opportunistic.
When U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright learned of a massacre in a Kosovan village, Racak, she delightedly exclaimed, "Spring has come early!" NATO was able to begin its campaign of "humanitarian wars" with massive bombing of civilians. But the enemy wasn't the people of Yugoslavia. The enemies were Russia and China and Iran. They are the enemies today. In 1999, NATO bombed the Chinese embassy in Belgrade, and that same Wesley Clark ordered British and French troops to attack the Russian military. Luckily, those troops refused that order, not wanting to be pawns in a game that risky.
World domination means controlling nations like Iraq and Libya, and placing bases and pipelines in places like Afghanistan, where they could benefit the West but hurt Russia, China, and Iran. It also means expanding Europe, NATO, and the European Union, to control the entire Mediterranean (which is how Lebanon and Syria become key targets). It means controlling the Arctic with Canada's help. It means weaponizing outerspace. It means dominating Africa. It means surrounding Russia and China with missiles, bases, and ships, prepared to cut off their trade. It means imposing as much suffering as possible on the Iranian people. It means redefining sociopathic acts as rational inevitabilities.
Obama's turn toward Asia, and all the new bases and troops popping up in Australia, Guam, South Korea, and Japan, began before and will continue after Obama. It is part of a strategy to surround China. It is driving a new arms race and new tensions. While China's military spending is still only about a tenth of the U.S.'s, it has grown four-fold in recent years. The arms race has carried over to the Middle East as well, with the United States tripling its sales of weapons to foreign dictatorships last year. All of which is great for weapons makers. It's also part of the madness of the method behind our militarism.
Which is not to say that everything goes as planned. Military operations accurately label themselves with the term "SNAFU", and pockets of resistance have been known to spring up and grow rapidly. Ecuador and other Latin American nations, as well as Uzbekistan and other Central Asian nations, have found the strength to tell NATO to head on back to the North Atlantic. The Non-Aligned Nations representing the majority of the people on earth just met in Iran and proposed, among other things, plans for total nuclear disarmament. Perhaps the aligned nations should join the non-aligned nations in more ways than one. Perhaps the institution of NATO should join nuclear weaponry on the pile of bad ideas whose time has come and gone.
Established in April 1949, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, better known as Nato, was meant to protect its members from an attack by the Soviet Union. The cold war was in full swing. With Germany's accession to Nato on May 9, 1955, the Warsaw Pact was founded in return on May 14, 1955. The defensive character of Nato ended with the breakdown of the Soviet Union and the so-called Eastern bloc.
One of Mahdi Darius Nazemroaya's many hypothesis are that the US-led alliance is going to attack Iran, Russia and China in the future. He quotes from the document "Towards a Grand Strategy for an Uncertain World: Renewing Transatlantic Partnership" that was written by five retired high ranking former Generals who proposed not only "the use of nuclear weapons against rival states and blocs", but have also mandated themselves "to go to war anywhere in the world". (p. 341) This war screenplay was transformed by a commission headed by the ineffable former U. S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright in a more political suitable language that called for the securing of any sources, which the U. S. and Nato consider vital "world energy hubs". The same person thought that the death of 500 000 Iraqi children in the cause of US sanctions was "worth it". ("We think the price is worth it.")
What Nazemroaya outlines in 16 chapters shows the real intention of Nato: hegemony over the entire globe. The neo-cons and their Zionist allies call it "creative destruction" that aims at the blight of the countries of the Middle East. As their ultimate goal, the strategy targets the encirclement of Russia and China. The author wants to raise awareness of the imperialist nature of the international conflicts and he shows the whole picture that seems at first sight as "fragmented".
In chapter "Nato and Africa" Nazemroaya demonstrates how the US-led alliance started to get a hold of Northern Africa and the African waters by propagating Al-Qaeda franchises in Africa and how the US and its Nato allies must intervene and fight it. However, the process started in the Mediterranean Sea. Nato's Mediterranean Dialogue (MD) made the first inroads into North Africa after it was established as early as 1994. (p. 209) In 2007, the United States African Command (AFRICOM) was established. According to the author, nobody talks about the cooperation of the U. S. Empire with Al-Qaeda groups in Libya and Syria and the effort by the U. S. and the Western bloc to push China, Russia, Brazil, India and other countries out of Africa. The battle for resources is in full swing. That's what the "Scramble over Africa" is all about.
The main objective of the different Nato missions in Africa is to "understand how to really and instigate African societies to destabilize the continent's countries and ouster their governments and leaders, should they prove unreceptive to U. S. and EU interests". (p. 210) It's no coincidence that the Sahel zone has been chosen, in which the alleged Al-Qaeda operates. Why should the above mentioned countries cooperate with France, Great Britain, and the USA in the case of Syria against a legitimate government, whereas they have been deceived by them in the case of Libya? These countries feel betrayed. And Nato has demonstrated that it cannot be trusted as peacekeepers by the United Nations. The so-called humanitarian interventions or R2P, as it's called now, should never be entrusted to Nato forces.
Not only will the U. S. Empire push back every foreign influence in Africa, but the pentagon also plays an important role "in the encirclement of the Eurasian Heartland and Russia, Iran, and China". (p. 268) All three countries see the Nato alliance as a threat to their security. The march of NATO and its expansionism eastward began with the smashing of former Yugoslavia. By this war, Nato has reinvented itself using a new tool to legitimize its aggression: humanitarian intervention. Additionally, the war in Yugoslavia allowed for the logistics to be prepared for the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. (pp. 67-113)
In his last chapter, "Global Militarization", the author presents the question whether we are at the doors of a third world war. The U. S.-led Nato alliance has already caused havoc and political chaos across the Middle East. More of the same can be expected in Syria and Iran. According to Nazemroaya, "a global anti-establishment counter-alliance has formed against the U. S. and Nato", which consist of China, Russia, and Iran. (p. 342) Against these countries, plus North Korea, Syria and Iraq, America's nuclear weapons are targeted at, writes the author. "The US, UK, France, and Nato - under Washington's orders - all have refused to commit to a policy of `no first use' for nuclear weapons unlike non-Nato nuclear powers." (p. 345) This nuclear deterrence policy of the U. S. is stated in the "Nuclear Posture Review" of 2010 and reiterated in the just published report on "Nuclear Employment Strategy of the U. S." Politically speaking, the U. S. is committed to nuclear first-strike warfare against the above mentioned countries.
Nazemroaya also shows the hypocrisy of the West in matters of nuclear weapons. Not Iran is violating the NPT treaty but the U. S. and its allies France and Great Britain. After the end of the Cold War, Nato's nuclear strike posture has become more aggressive. "The U.S. and Nato have already deemed the NPT to be null and avoid in the scenario of a world war". (p. 347) It seems as if the NPT is nothing more than a convenient tool to hold sway over non-nuclear states and to perpetuate the nuclear monopoly of a not so "exclusive" nuclear club anymore. What is the U.S. going to do if someone wants to stop it on its way to world domination?
The book gives deep insight into the dangers, which Nato represents for world peace. A fascinating but at the same time also a disturbing book because it shows who the real enemies of peace are: the U. S. and its Nato allies. Definitely a must read.
Dr. Ludwig Watzal works as a journalist and editor in Bonn, Germany.