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Germany's Hidden Crisis: Social Decline in the Heart of Europe Kindle Edition
Upward social mobility represented a core promise of life under the "old" West German welfare state, in which millions of skilled workers upgraded their VWs to Audis, bought their first homes, and sent their children to university. Not so in today's Federal Republic, however, where the gears of the so-called "elevator society" have long since ground to a halt. In the absence of the social mobility of yesterday, widespread social exhaustion and anxiety have emerged across mainstream society. Oliver Nachtwey analyses the reasons for this social rupture in post-war German society and investigates the conflict potential emerging as a result, concluding that although the country has managed to muddle through the Eurocrisis largely unscathed thus far, simmering tensions beneath the surface nevertheless threaten to undermine the German system's stability in the years to come.
Nachtwey's book was recipient of the Friedrich Ebert Foundation's 2016 Hans-Matth�fer-Preis for Economic Writing.
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherVerso
- Publication date27 Nov. 2018
- File size982 KB
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'A true masterpiece. Focusing on the case of Germany--which has long been mispresented and misperceived as a paragon of economic success and political stability--Oliver Nachtwey offers a detailed account of the crisis of contemporary capitalism. Moving at the forefront of leading theories of political economy, the book develops an empirically grounded synthetic perspective on 'regressive modernity, ' a concept of which much can be expected for future progress in the study of capitalist development.'
--Wolfgang Streeck
'A major critical review of Europe's most important country, its socio-economics, its politics, and its self-diagnoses.'
--Göran Therborn
'In this comprehensive sociological study, the author assembles sobering news from Germany, a country the elites of which routinely pride themselves of presiding over a stable, prosperous, and socially inclusive society. To which there is even some truth, comparatively speaking. Yet capitalism thrives on credible promises and on hopes being redeemed. As elsewhere in the West, German elites are increasingly distrusted and hopes frustrated, giving rise to virulent fears and anxieties. As private and public debt, near-stagnation and growing inequality shape gloomy perceptions, a disjunction occurs between ongoing technical and economic modernization, on the one hand, and the notion of 'progress' that used to be associated with it. This is a condition for which Nachtwey coins the term 'regressive modernity'. Among its characteristics are a decline of collective action and public goods production and the 'de-institutionalization' of social and economic conflict. Instead of anything resembling organized class struggle, we see symptoms of diffuse and 'anomic' rebelliousness ranging from short-lived 'occupy'-style mobilizations to the outbursts of rightist mobs. Nachtwey has written a lucid analysis highlighting the social causes of our current perplexities.'
--Claus Offe
'It needs at once sociological imagination, an interpretive sense for statistics and explanatory sharpness to be able to decipher the anxious and conflict-laden atmosphere in a country that looks extremely well-ordered, affluent and healthy from the outside. Oliver Nachtwey, impressively combining these three talents, has managed to prompt such a necessary change of perspective with regard to contemporary Germany: In his fascinating study he not only informs us about how downward mobility, precariousness and polarization have grown over the last decades in Germany, but also about how people suffering from these developments fight against the downgrading of their lives--be it by inventing new forms of protest, be it by joining nationalist movements. A must to read for everyone interested in the dark side of the economic wealth of Western countries.'
--Axel Honneth
'Oliver Nachtwey has written an empirically grounded book of great topicality. He focuses on Germany, but his analysis is of much wider relevance. Nachtwey reveals that the 'elevator effect', which reduces the significance of social distinctions, is finished. A 'downward escalator effect' now makes class disparities visible again. Growing insecurity, increasing inequality and swelling precarianization lead to a renaissance of both left-wing revolts and right-wing authoritarianism.'
--Marcel van der Linden
Nachtwey's book provides a detailed analysis of postwar developments in Germany from a left-wing, working-class, and sociology-based perspective. I can highly recommend it to everyone interested in the past, present, and future of this crucially important country, many of whose problems face other Europeans and people in the United States as well, in particular the danger of some variant of fascism, most alarmingly in case of a repetition of the 2008 crisis perhaps a far more serious one. --Victor Grossman, Monthly Review
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Product details
- ASIN : B07KMYVF8M
- Publisher : Verso (27 Nov. 2018)
- Language : English
- File size : 982 KB
- Text-to-Speech : Enabled
- Screen Reader : Supported
- Enhanced typesetting : Enabled
- X-Ray : Enabled
- Word Wise : Enabled
- Sticky notes : On Kindle Scribe
- Print length : 257 pages
- Page numbers source ISBN : 1786636344
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El autor comenta que una 1/3 parte de los jóvenes alemanes (2014) su máxima aspiración profesional es trabajar en el gobierno, porque en la iniciativa privada y en el "emprendimiento" no ofrecen certeza laboral ni futuro; prefieren estar de maestros de jardín de niños porque NO HAY TRABAJOS DIGNOS suficientes. También comenta que ese país tiene problemas de precariedad expresamente en el salario. Llega a comentar y exhibir que el sistema de profesiones y con grado académico NO es garantía de mejores salarios o mejores puestos de trabajo. Nacthwey afirma la existencia de "Los Indignados teutones", un grupo social bien preparado, pero que experimenta los mismos problemas cuando van a una entrevista de trabajo: son muchos los que compiten por una plaza laboral y al final se quejan porque al que "eligen" es por factores siniestros (corrupción).
También comenta el curioso caso de los jóvenes que atienden jardines de niño como consecuencia directa de esa incapacidad de Estado en proveer condiciones de desarrollo.
Singularmente, el Profesor Nachtwey encuera a su país con la famosa "charada" de la competitividad teutona, basándose en los esquemas de "flexibilización" de las relaciones laborales en jurisdicciones foráneas, o bien, en su propio país, narrando el caso de una conocida empresa de coches donde el 90% de sus empleados trabajan en territorio germano con condiciones laborales de otra jurisdicción en donde son contratados SIN SEGURIDAD SOCIAL Y BENEFICIOS DE CONTRATO COLECTIVO ALEMAN.
Los datos de Nachtwey sugieren que LA MODERNIZACION REGRESIVA ha ocasionado Pobreza en Alemania durante los 16 años de Ángela Merkel Y ES LA CAUSA EFICIENTE porque el partido de los ultras neonazis y burgueses, AfD, haya ascendido y se aproxime en el 2021 a gobernar, porque los alemanes que están verdaderamente pobres están hartos por la falta de oportunidades.
Desde luego, Oliver Nachtwey NO vive en Alemania, lo cual puede inferir el reflejo directo de porqué no hay "chamba" para profesores alemanes, sino en el extranjero.. Le consideran un "marxista moderno", pero en definitiva, es una persona que pondera la "modernización" de tecnología como una charada, y que por eso, ponen en su justa dimensión el porvenir.
RECOMIENDO AMPLIAMENTE ESTA OBRA.
Deux concepts clés sont utilisés dans ce livre et permettent de comprendre en profondeur l'état de la société allemande : la modernisation regressive et la mobilité descendante. En effet, loin des tableaux dithyrambiques que les dirigeants et journalistes français aiment dresser à propos de l'Allemagne, ce pays est en proie à des mécanismes ambivalents qui viennent saper la stabilité de son corps social. La modernisation regressive fait référence au processus d'évolution économique et social aujourd'hui omniprésent qui allie à la fois le progrès et la regression (un des exemples choisi par l'auteur : l'intégration des femmes sur le marché du travail - progrès louable pour l'émancipation féminine - a entraîné en même temps une augmentation de la concurrence entre travailleurs sur le marché du travail). Ce livre documente ce phénomène de modernité regressive et permet d'avoir un regard nouveau sur l'Allemagne. Dans le cadre du néolibéralisme, cela fait référence au fait que les fruits de la croissance ne sont plus suffisants ou plus suffisamment bien répartis pour permettre à l'économie de bénéficier à tout le monde sans contrepartie négative.
L'autre concept clef, la mobilité descendante, fait référence au fait que, désormais, les Allemands sont de plus en plus concernés par le déclassement économique et social. La société se fige, les strates se fossilisent, et la peur gagne les citoyens dont le cerveau a pourtant été lavés à grand effort par le mythe bourgeois de la méritocratie. Les effets sont profonds sur la configuration politique et idéologique du pays.
Ce livre est en anglais, mais il reste largement compréhensible par quelqu'un ayant un bon niveau de Terminales.
En voici un extrait significatif et conclusif, très éclairant par bien des aspects :
"We are experiencing a real renaissance of bourgeois zeal. People radicalize the desire for education and social ascent, while secondary virtues such as conscientiousness and discipline have made a return even in liberal milieus. The whole conduct of life serves the project of retaining status.
In what is left of free time, people invest in education—either further education for themselves or that of their children, who start learning Chinese at an early age and practise the violin or are sent to private schools. There they are supposed to learn to become modern, cultivated people, the better to withstand the intensified pressure of competition. Individualized coping strategies of this kind, however, function immediately as ‘refined closure mechanisms’ vis-à-vis the inflationary educational degrees of other groups. This leads to sharper battles for distinction, of the kind that Bourdieu investigated in his eponymous book. Social superiority is articulated in terms of better education, elevated manners, refined taste, artistic sense, liberal values and consumption patterns. Consumption in particular is a two-edged sword here, as it is seen as the prerogative of those who can afford it. Its demonstrative character threatens the practice of solid housekeeping among the lower middle classes. The supposedly unjustifiable consumption style of the lower class is therefore often sharply criticized, in a gesture of social and cultural superiority. The new underclass, so the customary reproach runs, shuns education, is work-shy and has lost its orientation to upward social mobility. The status anxiety of the middle class leads among other things to the economic interpretation, negative classification and devaluation of weaker groups, as shown in Wilhelm Heitmeyer’s long-term study on xenophobic attitudes among the German population Deutsche Zustände. To a certain degree the middle class has abandoned solidarity with the weak; it has built security by shutting itself off. Where there was previously a certain liberality, more rigorous ideas of morality, culture and behaviour have now returned. With increased fears of ‘contamination’ and ‘infection’, people seek the greatest possible distance and strict isolation from the ‘parallel society’ of the lower class. They are generally less inclined to accept society’s ‘encouragements to diversity’.
The precarious middle classes, who actually experience relative downward mobility, count this as personal failure. Here individualistic and fatalistic interpretations of their own work prevail. They seek at almost any price to integrate into society by competition at work. This also has the consequence of resentment towards the weaker, the supposedly lazy or those considered less motivated.
As a result of this, those threatened with downward mobility cling all the more fiercely to their past or imaginary status as part of the middle class. Some of them ritually maintain their upward orientation, even if they have inwardly long since abandoned this perspective. The social figure of the worker is no longer a sufficiently positive self-description. It has been a long time since workers built seven-gated Thebes, and in practice no one still sees them as the universal subject of social emancipation. The worker is rather seen as dependent, as someone who has not succeeded as an individual. The collective identity of the working class has been replaced by a general striving for middle-class status. All in all, in recent years a subjective sense of belonging to the working class has been abandoned, while inclusion of oneself in the middle class has grown—even despite downward mobility."

