I think it's fair to say that remaining neutral about anything Carl Trueman writes or says is impossible. And that's no bad thing! He's always provocative, stimulating and often (but not always!) right on the button. In this short book, he brings a trenchant and powerfully argued, British/European perspective to the American political scene. More pertinently, after 10 years in the States, he writes as a Reformed theologian and church historian about the relationship between Christianity and American politics (especially, though not exclusively, about the Christian Right).
MERCUTIO STRIKES AGAIN?
In his discussion of the Republican and Democrat Parties, he actually does find himself, Mercutio-like, calling for 'a plague on both your houses'. And it is easy to see why, after being propelled through his breathless polemic. Some would conclude from this that the only remaining course of action is to buy into a simplistic rejection of all things political, with a postmodern, shrugging updating of the 60s mantra "turn on, tune in, drop out".
But Trueman is far too robust for such a course. And his appeal is a crucial one. For one of his concerns is that politics has become far too simplistic and Manichaean (ie dualism where everything is a matter of 'us' (the goodies) vs 'them' (the baddies)) - and that the church has significantly contributed to the problem. He is clear - life is much too complex for that. He urges all Christians to vote, but to do so acknowledging that every vote entails compromises and trade-offs. (p83)
WHOSE SIDE IS HE ON?
The scope of the book (despite the main text being only 100 pages) is vast. He manages to include a sympathetic potted history of Marxism, perceptive analyses of the prosperity gospel, US hot button issues like gay rights and abortion, Rupert Murdoch and the impact of automobiles on American culture - and that's before we even consider his helpful, expert observations about history writing and objectivity. This is in part what makes his writing so enjoyable - he draws links that one never sees coming.
But this is primarily a book of political punditry. And so his politics matters and is explicit. He is what in Europe would be called left of centre (he openly confesses to be LibDem - though one wonders what difference the Coalition Government now would make to this) - which in the USA is regarded as practically communist. He is conservative theologically, and therefore conservative on some ethical issues - but definitely left on social issues like poverty. As the conservative Peter Lillback rightly notes in his foreword, this makes Carl more of the Old Left than new. This makes him an anomaly in his adopted country - he really doesn't fit. He casts an outsider's eye on contemporary US political realities; and so a real fear is that neither end of the political spectrum (Christian or otherwise) will listen to him - and therefore both will fail to heed what are some very important warnings.
So who's side is he on? Well, he is someone who longs for truthfulness, integrity and genuine public service to mark public life (as illustrated by a powerful quotation from the amazing Vaclav Havel on the last page). And therefore all should take note.
THE PROBLEMS AT BOTH ENDS
Because he is no partisan, he is able to spot ironies and blind spots, and doesn't pull punches in exposing them. Here is one fascinating example:
"The most obvious is the way liberals and conservatives often flip-flop on whether big government is good or bad. It is a mantra of the Left that the federal government needs to take a larger role at home, where, apparently it can and should be trusted; but in foreign policy, the Left's wisdom is that it can do almost nothing of any moral probity. On the Right, however, there is deep suspicion of the federal government in a domestic context; but invade somebody else's country, and any criticism of the government is decried as unpatriotic and un-American. How can these things be? One plausible explanation is that the logic of Left and Right is shaped more by some form of story, which does not conform to the normal rules of logical analysis, but which nonetheless carries power for the true believer." (p89)
This comes in the context of a really helpful, though chilling, analysis of how narrative informs political discourse, rather than pesky things like facts and realities. Of course, politics, not to mention governing, is SO complex that communicating realities in a democracy is very hard. A story is much easier to tell - especially if it resonates with people who are hurting, struggling or confused. Stories rally troops, motivate action ... ignore inconveniences. Ideal, then, if you want people to vote for you. Not so good if you value truth and integrity. And Trueman's point is that Left and Right both play the same game (as Nick Robinson highlights).
IT'S SECULARISM - BUT NOT AS WE HAVE IT
One of the most helpful and powerful sections was Trueman's identification of how secularism in the States has a religious face. I'm sure this is right - and it helps to understand that despite not really doing God in European politics, the US has much more in common culturally than it might care to admit.
"Could it be that both Britain and America are both fairly secular, but that America expresses her secularity using religious idioms, while Britain expresses hers through the abandonment of such language? And could this create more problems for the American church than she typically likes to assume?" (p23)
Somebody asked me recently whether Osteen and Hinn (2 key prosperity gospel preachers) were big in the UK. My answer was simple: no, not at all, nothing like they are in the USA. Why is that? came the follow-up to which I replied: They simply wouldn't work in the UK, because the idiom is all wrong; the British do not respond to religious language the way many Americans do; thus, we have psychobabble self-help gurus, not prosperity preachers. Of course, both preach the same message: prosperity through realizing your own inner potential; but while the British equivalent is obviously secular, the American version has a veneer of orthodox religiosity. (p27)
This makes perfect sense to me - and simply alerts us to the insidiousness of the secular mindset.
IT'S WHAT WE'VE GOT - BUT THAT DOESN'T MAKE IT PERFECT
Another key theme to the book is the danger of (especially the Christian Right) buying into the idea that Capitalism is the most theologically appropriate system. I don't know many, if any, in the UK who have bought into this line - but it is clearly a big deal in the USA. And while he is pretty sure that there is no real viable alternative in a globalised world (some will no doubt dispute that - I'm not really in a position to argue either way), his case for a more nuanced and discerning approach is undeniably strong. Capitalism simply does not lead inevitably to the characteristics commonly identified as Christian virtue. This is because it presents many underlying challenges to virtue - here is my potted summary of his list (in pp71-77):
- Economic prosperity can never necessarily be identified with divine blessing.
- Capitalism requires a lack of contentment and degree of disaffection with the world in order to make it work. It also breeds a form of idolatry: "ascribing of divine power to things that in themselves do not possess such power, and, we might add, that can be done to systems such as capitalism just as easily as possessions such as golf clubs" (p74). Personal selfishness and acquisitiveness actually then morphs into a social virtue because you are upholding society and the system through your wallet (or credit).
- What we could call financial Pelagianism: "the problem is not simply the gospel of salvation by consumption that they preach; it is also the idea that I am in control of my own destiny, that I hold the answer to my problems, that this lies in the creaturely realm... It is a form of Pelagianism, built on the idea that I am my own god who can work the miracle of my own happiness by what I do with my cash" (p74)
- The fixation on rights of all kinds that a consumer mentality breeds (and this can be found on both Left (eg abortion rights) and Right (eg gun owners' rights)) - and this is something that we see manifesting in church as well as society.
- The market inevitably determines values and virtues: "Where consumer is king, ultimately taste and profit margins will triumph" (p75)
In summary, then, Trueman states:
"Christians must realize that capitalism has brought great goods in its wake; but it is not an unmixed blessing, and some of the things about which Christians become most hot under the collar, from the reshaping of the family to the ease of access to abortion, are not unconnected to the system that they often admire with so little critical reflection." (p77)
Well said... It seems so obvious - but so rarely articulated - perhaps because we have too many vested interests...
AMERICAN IN FOCUS; BUT STILL BRITISH IN RELEVANCE
I suspect many on this side of the Atlantic will assume this has little relevance. But I would argue that it is of profound relevance over here - it is a very helpful analysis of what is happening in postmodern political discourse. But there is also another reason: some in UK Christian circles are finding themselves drawn to a US Christian Right culture-war mentality (this was particularly noticeable in the lead up to the 2010 UK General Election).
And that is something that, quite frankly, I find very scary. If ever there was a thought-through, theologically aware, warning not to go down that road, this is it. I suspect few if any will find themselves agreeing with everything he says (for all kinds of reasons). But that is all the more reason that thoughtful Christians should read this book. As he says, "we are called to be good citizens in this world, and in a democratic society, that involves having as many well-thought-out and informed opinions on the things that really matter as time allows. It is incumbent on us not to surround ourselves with things that confirm our prejudices but to seek to listen to a variety of view points." (p58)