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8 of 9 people found the following review helpful:
5.0 out of 5 stars
From the Presidential bookshelf, 6 Jan 2006
In a recent interview, Natal Sharansky said that he was pleasantly surprised when he heard his concepts being used, almost verbatim in expression, in President Bush's Inaugural Address in January 2005. It makes sense, however, that the President would pick up on the themes expressed by Sharansky. A former Soviet dissident who spent nearly a decade as a political prisoner, Sharansky embodies the idea of resistance and struggle for the ideal of freedom. After his release from the Soviets, Sharansky immigrated to Israel, where he became a political figure and member of the Cabinet, continuing to argue for the kinds of freedom that citizens of Western countries have increasingly come to take for granted, but which are in fact very precious and fragile in many respects. Freedom in Sharansky's view is rooted in freedom of expression -- freedom to say what one thinks, both politically and socially, without fear of governmental reprisals. This is the core freedom from which most every other political freedom derives, in Sharansky's framework. This is the heart of democracy, and explains why repressive regimes on the left and right politically often take freedom of speech, press, assembly and other freedom of expression rights away from the people. Sharansky's idea of freedom has strong international ramifications for him. Sharansky's primary ideal, stated in the President's Inaugural Address, is that the democratic countries are inherently safer as international partners than autocratic and repressive regimes, and the democracy always tends toward peace as a primary goal. The people in democratic societies tend not to support terrorism and not to support warfare. Sharansky's ideals are strongly stated and well argued. There is a strong element of political idealism here -- democracies are unfortunately rather good at waging war and supporting some activities that might be defined by others as terrorism; however, Sharansky's primary thesis is correct in that few democracies will hold these up as goals or ideals for which the nation strives, and warfare and terrorism will be seen as aberrations. Sharansky spends time in the realm of the practical rather than simply theoretical. He surveys recent and current international relations and American/Western foreign policy with regard to the break-up of the Eastern Block and Soviet Union as well as the Middle East. Sharansky's argument here is that the press for democratic reform that worked in the case of the former communist republics should not be abandoned in the case of the Middle East in an effort to sustain a peace with repressive or autocratic regimes. The one primary failing in this text from my perspective is that it does not adequately account for Israel's own continuing problem with the issue over Palestinian self-governance. That would undoubtedly take a book of its own to do, but Sharansky could have acknowledged the difficulties in this area, as it would undoubtedly have an impact on the way his wishes for affairs in the broader Middle Eastern context would be conducted. Worth reading, particularly as it is on the Presidential bookshelf at the moment.
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8 of 9 people found the following review helpful:
5.0 out of 5 stars
The case for democracy, 29 Jan 2005
Sharansky argues that the best weapon against tyranny is the creation of free societies. He argues that the West can and should intervene, using the tactic of linkage. If a tyrannical regime (presiding over a "fear" society) wants to trade with free societies, such trade must be linked to them changing their human rights record: the population must be able to express their views freely without fear of reprisal.The most uplifting aspect of the book is Sharansky's narration of the collapse of the soviet union. The most depressing aspect is the hash that he considers everyone - Europe, the US, successive Israeli governments - has made of moving towards a separate Palestinian state. I was feelling quite optimistic about the role of the security fence in removing terrorist violence, but he reminded me that leaving the Palestinian regime to continue as a "fear society" condemns its people to more years of poverty, doublethink, and propaganda. He makes no connection to the micro-level, but I think his message applies there to. Just as a free, democratic society functions better than a fear-filled dictatorship, which inevitably carries the seeds of its eventual implosion, so a family with authoritarian parents is doomed to disaster as the children defect to freer climes as soon as they have the physical and mental power.
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10 of 12 people found the following review helpful:
5.0 out of 5 stars
A fascinating and perspicacious work, 24 May 2005
Many of us remember Anatoly/Natan Sharansky, who suffered under the Soviet system for his advocacy of freedom. After American presidents Carter and Reagan pressed his case, Mr. Sharansky was finally released by the KGB, and allowed to emigrate to Israel. Having experienced living in a "fear state," where people are forced to support a system that oppresses them, he understands the effects that such a system has, and the power that can be unleashed when it is overthrown. In this book, Mr. Sharansky shows how tyrannical systems of government are never good governments with which the West can safely interact, but that they create instability and terror, both within their borders and without. He makes the point that the thinkers in the West must come to realize that there is a world of difference between free societies and fear societies, and that to make a peaceful world, the West must make the call for freedom a cornerstone of its foreign relations. This is a fascinating and perspicacious work, and in it Mr. Sharansky makes a very convincing argument that the West must press for freedom around the globe. He is clear that many governments are far from perfect, but that when a government recognizes basic freedoms, it can and will move towards more freedom and more peaceful relations with the rest of the world. Overall, I found this book to be enlightening and totally convincing, and am quite sure that it reflects a good deal of thinking within the Bush White House. So if you want to read a fascinating and thought-provoking book, then you must read this book. Also, if you want to understand an underlying thrust of the Bush administrations foreign strategy, then you must read this book. I give it my highest recommendations!
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