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5.0 out of 5 stars
The fourth volume of Hal Draper's series: Critique of Other Socialisms, 11 May 2009
Hal Draper's extremely long and expansive series "Karl Marx's Theory of Revolution" is definitely the highest point achieved so far in systematic exegesis of the work of Marx (and Engels). Totalling five volumes, a total of almost 3000 pages, Draper has provided the most clear, thorough and readable full overview of the entirety of the political thought of Marx. As a former Trotskyist involved with the Schachtmanites, Draper could be suspected of having a controversial editorial line, but in practice this is only very mildly the case, and he is generally very strict and accurate in sticking to the clear meaning of Marx himself. This is in particular made possible by the great care Draper takes to provide the historical and intellectual context for Marx' statements on the respective issues, so that it is always clear what Marx intended with his sometimes cryptic or diplomatically phrased letters, notes, and so forth.
The fourth volume of Draper's immense series (the plan is to finally have six published) deals with Marx's critique of other socialisms, and is dedicated to the uprising in 1989 against the government of the self-declared Chinese Communist Party. As is familiar to anyone with a passing knowledge of 19th century history of ideas, there were an enormous amount of different groups, sects and movements throughout Europe calling themselves socialist or communist in that period, and many of them hated each other and saw themselves as the only right ones. Additionally, there were many people who wanted to help workers from a philanthropic or reformist point of view, yet had little interest in any revolution or even change in property relations. Marx & Engels had to deal with manyt of these movements and their representatives in the course of their lives, and often polemicized against the ones they felt were sabotaging their efforts or the development of the class struggle.
Hal Draper's overview of these movements and the fight(s) Marx and Engels had with them is truly excellent and highly informative. He engages subsequently the Lassalleans, the Bismarck style 'state socialism' (quite different from what later would be called by that name), the utopian socialists, the Proudhonists, the fake anarchist gangster band of Bakunin, reactionary anti-capitalism (this is an especially good chapter), and finally the idea of a charismatic leader solving social problems by means of coup d'état, in the form of the Boulangiste movement. In each case Draper carefully explains the ideas of these movements, their historical context and which social groups they represented (if any), their limitations, and the issue Marx and Engels took with them.
It is important to note in this context, as the author also does, that while Marx & Engels never shied away from fiercely polemicizing against their opponents within and without the working class movement, they also set up all organizations they ever were member of or ran in as 'broad tent' a manner as possible: the International, the ideal example for most working class movements internationally even today (such that even the reformist social-democrats still go through the motions of pretending to have one), purposely allowed Proudhonists to take part as well as other anarchists AND left-wing reformists. Even a group of followers of Auguste Comte was permitted entry. Within this organization Marx and Engels agitated for their own points of view, but they absolutely rejected all sectarian approaches of expelling or excluding members with different views for that reason alone: as long as one adhered to the formal rules of the organization, using internal democratic methods, any person or group declaring their agreement with the aims of the International could be a member, and each could agitate for their own viewpoint. This is the method later known as "democratic centralism", only history has shown it to be more cliquish and centralist than democratic when applied by sectarian splinter groups as well as 'orthodox' parties of all kinds. Such sectarianism was alien to Marx & Engels' approach, and they argued against it whenever they found it, as the examples of Hyndman's SDF and Plekhanov showed.
Draper's explanation of the complicated relations between the 'Marxists' (avant la lettre) and the Lassalleans as well as the Bakuninists is particularly well taken, and should be a standard for all future writers of Marx biographies or histories, though there is little hope that the author's intensive archive digging will avail much against the common mythology of the Mean Marx against the Freedom-Loving Bakuninists and so on. Also very important are the specific examples of so-called 'state socialism' familiar to Marx & Engels in the 19th century: not just Bismarck, but also the Cultuurstelsel of the Dutch in Java, various Tory attempts at regulations, and so on. The way they responded to such 'socialist' measures from on high is informative as a guide to further action. Draper's distinct sarcastic sense of humor also shines through well in this volume.
As always, Draper's excellent series should not be seen as an invitation to treat the thoughts of Marx and Engels as Holy Writ or as a canon of dogma from which no deviation is possible and upon which nobody can improve. Instead, it should be used as the most expansive existing reliable analysis of Marx's & Engels' thought as such, allowing us to see both where they were right and where they were wrong, and allowing their brilliant minds to inspire us, that we may improve upon their work and understand our own times better. Although Hal Draper did not live to see his series finished, he has done us all a great favor with this life's work.
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by Karl Marx
by Lars T. Lih
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