Harold Wilson once said "A week is a long time in politics." In Gordon Brown's case every week of his premiership was too long, as this collection of articles from the New Labour-friendly pages of the Observer and Guardian demonstrates. Brown's premiership started optimistically, echoing the Blairite policies of New Labour while dismantling some of its practices. He immediately revoked the Order in Council which had allowed special advisers (notably Powell and Campbell) to give orders to civil servants. It was immediately clear that Brown did not share Blair's penchant for strutting the world stage. Within days Labour had a four percent lead over the Conservatives as Labour benefited from the "Brown Bounce" a mixture of relief that Blair had gone and support for the new man at number 10.
Brown's underlying problem was his personality, or rather lack of a balanced personality. Ed Balls made a light-hearted observation about the difference between Gordon Brown and Stalin. "One is a ruthless and determined dictator who brooks no opposition and the other was the leader of the Soviet Union." Unfortunately, many a true word is spoken in jest. Within two years a Tory MP, Stephen Crabb, asked "a seemingly innocent question about what Brown intended to do about bullying in the workplace," then added, 'Given the reliable reports of a senior Whitehall boss throwing around mobile phones and printers and swearing at switchboard operators.' " Members of the Westminster village knew to whom Crabb referred.
Neil Kinnock said, " Gordon has a perfect face for radio." Brown's attempted counter by appearing on You Tube to make governmental announcements, was a disaster, especially as he smiled as inappropriately as an undertaker at a funeral. It happened just as one of his closest advisers, Damian McBride and Labour blogger, Derek Draper, were considering setting up a website "to air scurrilous allegations about opponents, including unfounded allegations about affairs between leading opposition MPs." McBride was viewed, incorrectly, as being Brown's agent, just as Joe Haines had been Wilson's front man, Bernard Ingham for Margaret Thatcher and Campbell for Blair. McBride carefully leaked pro-Brown rumours to a select group of journalists to have maximum impact on the left of the political spectrum. The rumours attacked leading Labour Ministers, including David Miliband, who Brown considered had ideas above his station. While some thought Brown's "This is no time for a novice" was aimed at the Opposition benches it was Miliband who was the real target.
Within months of taking office Brown had the chance to go to the electorate. The polls had been favourable, although Labour's lead plummeted when the Conservatives announced they would raise the exemptions for inheritance tax ( a proposal Brown stole and re-presented as his own soon after). The mood was bouyant but Brown missed the moment and gained a reputation for indecisiveness. To this was added Brown's loathing for Cameron which saw issues personalised rather than politicised. Less than a year after Brown assumed office commentators, reflecting the mood of the Party, were suggesting Brown was a liability. Jackie Ashley wrote, "In an impatient interview with Nick Robinson on the BBC, he had managed to convey only a resentful irritation with the electorate for being so anxious and irrational." Cameron accused Brown of "losing touch with reality." Jonathan Freedland wrote an article headlined, "A year in, it's clear we got Brown wrong. He is simply not up to the job." That was before the world-wide economic crisis took place.
The government was aware of the weakness of the UK's economic crisis as early as 2004 when it received and rejected warning advice from the IMF. In 2008, Brown launched a £500bn bail out package for British bankers. Cameron said putting money into the banks was all very well but Brown's strategy needed changing. Brown claimed he had saved the banks then said, "We not only saved the world...." before being met by "a sudden, overwhlming, mountainous avalache of laughter" from MPs. It provided the impulse for what became known as "deficit denial" and a sharp fall in Labour's popularity. In brokering a $1.1.tn deal within the G20 group of countries Brown asserted he had achieved more in ten weeks than he had in the previous ten years. The irony was lost on him.
The catalogue of failures mounted up; the removal of the 10p tax rate, raising the minimum wage for 4p, the attempt to secure the proposal to keep people imprisoned for 42 days without trial, the emerging expenses scandal and the loss of face when defeated over proposals which adversely affected the Gurkhas. Brown's authority had gone when a number of Blairite MPs and Ministers had the opportunity to remove him after poor local and European elections in 2009. They failed, Brown held on to office - partly thanks to Mandelson winning over Blairite malcontents. However, he had lost political authority and was unable to remove Darling or Miliband as he wanted. Although more than 50 MPs considered Brown would cost them the 2010 election, the winning argument was "better the devil you know". A number of MPs, including Hazel Blears, thought Brown was using the expenses scandal to smear them - as if they hadn't done themselves already.
Although the book consists mainly of discussions about Brown in action, towards the end there is a long article written by Katharine Viner which captures Brown's personality and politics away from the public arena. Viner wrote, "To me he spoke fluently and with passion. He sounded like a normal person." Those who worked with him came to the opposite conclusion. The final articles were completed in September 2009 by which time polls showed voters thought anyone but Brown should be Prime Minister. This is an excellent book which views the Westminster village with cynicism. Worth five stars.