| |||||||||||||||
 Trade In this Item for up to £1.50
Get an extra £5 when you trade in books worth £10 or more until June 30, 2012. Trade in Thinker, Faker, Spinner, Spy: Corporate PR and the Assault on Democracy for an Amazon.co.uk gift card of up to £1.50, which you can then spend on millions of items across the site. Trade-in values may vary (terms apply). Find more products eligible for trade-in.
|
Frequently Bought Together
Product details
|
Product Description
Review
Corporate Spin is one of the great toxins of democracy and a free society. Thinker, Faker, Spinner, Spy is a foundational book to educate us about this sleazy realm and equip us to do battle with it (Robert W. McChesney, author, Communication Revolution: Critical Junctures and the Future of Media )
Essential reading for anyone concerned with the rise of corporate power and with seeing the world as it really is. (Mark Curtis, journalist and author of 'Unpeople: Britain's Secret Human Rights Abuses' (2007) )
Essential reading for anyone concerned with the rise of corporate power and with seeing the world as it really is. (Mark Curtis, journalist and author of 'Unpeople: Britain's Secret Human Rights Abuses' (2007) )
Mark Curtis, journalist and author of 'Unpeople: Britain's Secret Human Rights Abuses'
'Essential reading for anyone concerned with the rise of corporate
power and with seeing the world as it really is.'
--This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.
power and with seeing the world as it really is.'
--This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.
Inside This Book
(Learn More)
Suggested Tags from Similar Products(What's this?)Be the first one to add a relevant tag (keyword that's strongly related to this product)
|
Sell a Digital Version of This Book in the Kindle Store
If you are a publisher or author and hold the digital rights to a book, you can sell a digital version of it in our Kindle Store.
Learn more
What Other Items Do Customers Buy After Viewing This Item?
Customer Reviews
Most Helpful Customer Reviews
3 of 4 people found the following review helpful
Format:Paperback
Dinan and Miller are sociologists at Strathclyde University. This collection of essays is by 16 academics and journalists, 11 British, one Australian, two Dutch, one German and one American. They look at the context and role of spin, corporate spin by oil firms, biotechnology firms and food firms, various networks of influences - the US empire, the EU, the Stock Exchange, the Labour Party, and finally at how to counter spin.
PR is largely by and for corporations, using deception, subverting debate, its `ethical' activities subordinated to corporate strategy, and with a key role in the Thatcherite counter-revolution. PR businesses' annual turnover is £6.5 billion. Four corporations own more than half the global market in advertising, marketing, PR and lobbying. They use front groups, third party advocates and celebrities.
Aeron Davis looks at the special case of financial PR, where the Stock Market sells stocks, and itself, yet investors would have been better off putting their money in a high interest bank account. Other essays explore the EU's attack on public service broadcasting and study the pro-US, pro-EU, pro-capitalist group Demos.
An excellent piece by Olivier Hoedeman tells us that the EU has more than 15,000 full-time lobbyists, over 70% representing corporations, the EU's substitute for democratic input. LibDem leader Nick Clegg is with the lobbying firm GPlus Europe. His rival Chris Huhne is a member of the European Parliamentary Financial Services Forum which lobbies for the big banks; it weakened EU laws against funding terrorism and money-laundering. Neoliberal hardliner Peter Mandelson supports the European Services Forum, a lobby of European services firms set up in 1999 by the European Commission to get the World Trade Organisation to privatise public services and open up economies across the world.
The employers' federation UNICE and the European Round Table, composed of the CEOs of Europe's 45 largest firms, have stopped all social initiatives until the EU has become the world's most competitive economic bloc. In 2004, the EU agreed to introduce `business impact assessments' for all EU policies.
Gerald Sussman has a useful piece on US and EU `democratic assistance' to Russia, Ukraine, Georgia and the Czech Republic, openly backing Yeltsin, Yushchenko, Saakashvili and Havel, interfering in sovereign states' internal affairs.
But the collection also includes some quite wrong-headed essays like Andy Rowell's piece on what he calls `anti-climate activity'. And the presence of PR does not automatically devalue what is being promoted. PR for the MMR vaccine does not make it unsafe, or mean that it is unsafe; the same goes for nuclear power and GM foods. Too many of the contributors seem to oppose science, industry, pesticides, nuclear power and GM foods.
PR is largely by and for corporations, using deception, subverting debate, its `ethical' activities subordinated to corporate strategy, and with a key role in the Thatcherite counter-revolution. PR businesses' annual turnover is £6.5 billion. Four corporations own more than half the global market in advertising, marketing, PR and lobbying. They use front groups, third party advocates and celebrities.
Aeron Davis looks at the special case of financial PR, where the Stock Market sells stocks, and itself, yet investors would have been better off putting their money in a high interest bank account. Other essays explore the EU's attack on public service broadcasting and study the pro-US, pro-EU, pro-capitalist group Demos.
An excellent piece by Olivier Hoedeman tells us that the EU has more than 15,000 full-time lobbyists, over 70% representing corporations, the EU's substitute for democratic input. LibDem leader Nick Clegg is with the lobbying firm GPlus Europe. His rival Chris Huhne is a member of the European Parliamentary Financial Services Forum which lobbies for the big banks; it weakened EU laws against funding terrorism and money-laundering. Neoliberal hardliner Peter Mandelson supports the European Services Forum, a lobby of European services firms set up in 1999 by the European Commission to get the World Trade Organisation to privatise public services and open up economies across the world.
The employers' federation UNICE and the European Round Table, composed of the CEOs of Europe's 45 largest firms, have stopped all social initiatives until the EU has become the world's most competitive economic bloc. In 2004, the EU agreed to introduce `business impact assessments' for all EU policies.
Gerald Sussman has a useful piece on US and EU `democratic assistance' to Russia, Ukraine, Georgia and the Czech Republic, openly backing Yeltsin, Yushchenko, Saakashvili and Havel, interfering in sovereign states' internal affairs.
But the collection also includes some quite wrong-headed essays like Andy Rowell's piece on what he calls `anti-climate activity'. And the presence of PR does not automatically devalue what is being promoted. PR for the MMR vaccine does not make it unsafe, or mean that it is unsafe; the same goes for nuclear power and GM foods. Too many of the contributors seem to oppose science, industry, pesticides, nuclear power and GM foods.
Most Helpful Customer Reviews on Amazon.com (beta)
Amazon.com:
2 reviews
very academic read
14 April 2010
Format:Paperback|Amazon Verified Purchase
The book is wordy, and very academic. It you can wade through that, it does have interesting ideas. Also, I appreciate the extensive list of footnotes, which I enjoy because I like to see source materials. The ideas presented in the book are positively scary!! This book wont promote your trust in government.
1 of 3 people found the following review helpful
Some useful insights, especially about the EU's spinners
16 April 2008
Format:Paperback
Dinan and Miller are sociologists at Strathclyde University. This collection of essays is by 16 academics and journalists, 11 British, one Australian, two Dutch, one German and one American. They look at the context and role of spin, corporate spin by oil firms, biotechnology firms and food firms, various networks of influences - the US empire, the EU, the Stock Exchange, the Labour Party, and finally at how to counter spin.
PR is largely by and for corporations, using deception, subverting debate, its `ethical' activities subordinated to corporate strategy, and with a key role in the Thatcherite counter-revolution. PR businesses' annual turnover is £6.5 billion. Four corporations own more than half the global market in advertising, marketing, PR and lobbying. They use front groups, third party advocates and celebrities.
Aeron Davis looks at the special case of financial PR, where the Stock Market sells stocks, and itself, yet investors would have been better off putting their money in a high interest bank account. Other essays explore the EU's attack on public service broadcasting and study the pro-US, pro-EU, pro-capitalist group Demos.
An excellent piece by Olivier Hoedeman tells us that the EU has more than 15,000 full-time lobbyists, over 70% representing corporations, the EU's substitute for democratic input. LibDem leader Nick Clegg is with the lobbying firm GPlus Europe. His rival Chris Huhne is a member of the European Parliamentary Financial Services Forum which lobbies for the big banks; it weakened EU laws against funding terrorism and money-laundering. Neoliberal hardliner Peter Mandelson supports the European Services Forum, a lobby of European services firms set up in 1999 by the European Commission to get the World Trade Organisation to privatise public services and open up economies across the world.
The employers' federation UNICE and the European Round Table, composed of the CEOs of Europe's 45 largest firms, have stopped all social initiatives until the EU has become the world's most competitive economic bloc. In 2004, the EU agreed to introduce `business impact assessments' for all EU policies.
Gerald Sussman has a useful piece on US and EU `democratic assistance' to Russia, Ukraine, Georgia and the Czech Republic, openly backing Yeltsin, Yushchenko, Saakashvili and Havel, interfering in sovereign states' internal affairs.
But the collection also includes some quite wrong-headed essays like Andy Rowell's piece on what he calls `anti-climate activity'. And the presence of PR does not automatically devalue what is being promoted. PR for the MMR vaccine does not make it unsafe, or mean that it is unsafe; the same goes for nuclear power and GM foods. Too many of the contributors seem to oppose science, industry, pesticides, nuclear power and GM foods.
PR is largely by and for corporations, using deception, subverting debate, its `ethical' activities subordinated to corporate strategy, and with a key role in the Thatcherite counter-revolution. PR businesses' annual turnover is £6.5 billion. Four corporations own more than half the global market in advertising, marketing, PR and lobbying. They use front groups, third party advocates and celebrities.
Aeron Davis looks at the special case of financial PR, where the Stock Market sells stocks, and itself, yet investors would have been better off putting their money in a high interest bank account. Other essays explore the EU's attack on public service broadcasting and study the pro-US, pro-EU, pro-capitalist group Demos.
An excellent piece by Olivier Hoedeman tells us that the EU has more than 15,000 full-time lobbyists, over 70% representing corporations, the EU's substitute for democratic input. LibDem leader Nick Clegg is with the lobbying firm GPlus Europe. His rival Chris Huhne is a member of the European Parliamentary Financial Services Forum which lobbies for the big banks; it weakened EU laws against funding terrorism and money-laundering. Neoliberal hardliner Peter Mandelson supports the European Services Forum, a lobby of European services firms set up in 1999 by the European Commission to get the World Trade Organisation to privatise public services and open up economies across the world.
The employers' federation UNICE and the European Round Table, composed of the CEOs of Europe's 45 largest firms, have stopped all social initiatives until the EU has become the world's most competitive economic bloc. In 2004, the EU agreed to introduce `business impact assessments' for all EU policies.
Gerald Sussman has a useful piece on US and EU `democratic assistance' to Russia, Ukraine, Georgia and the Czech Republic, openly backing Yeltsin, Yushchenko, Saakashvili and Havel, interfering in sovereign states' internal affairs.
But the collection also includes some quite wrong-headed essays like Andy Rowell's piece on what he calls `anti-climate activity'. And the presence of PR does not automatically devalue what is being promoted. PR for the MMR vaccine does not make it unsafe, or mean that it is unsafe; the same goes for nuclear power and GM foods. Too many of the contributors seem to oppose science, industry, pesticides, nuclear power and GM foods.
Were these reviews helpful?
Let us know
Customer Discussions
|
This product's forum
Active discussions in related forums
Search Customer Discussions
|
Related forums
|
Listmania!
Look for similar items by category
- Books > Business, Finance & Law > Sales & Marketing > Public Relations
- Books > Reference > Writing > Journalism
- Books > Society, Politics & Philosophy > Social Sciences > Communication Studies > Media & Communication Industries > Press & Journalism
- Books > Society, Politics & Philosophy > Social Sciences > Communication Studies > Media Studies
- Books > Society, Politics & Philosophy > Social Sciences > Cultural Studies > Popular Culture
- Books > Society, Politics & Philosophy > Social Sciences > Sociology
- Books > Study Books
Look for similar items by subject
Feedback
- Would you like to update product info or give feedback on images?
- I am the Author, and I want to comment on my book.
- I am the Publisher, and I want to comment on this book.
|
