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"In this new volume [Wallerstein] answers critics who complain that he pays little attention to culture... Definitely worth reading."--Choice
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"In this new volume [Wallerstein] answers critics who complain that he pays little attention to culture... Definitely worth reading."--Choice
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Format:Paperback|Amazon Verified Purchase
This brilliant `ideological' analysis of the history of `The Modern World System' from 1789 to 1914 (Part IV) is certainly far less controversial than I. Wallerstein's Part III about the Industrial Revolution (for him, only `a cyclical upward increase in the mechanization of industrial production').
Part IV is based on the ideas generated by and on the main issues fought for during two crucial events.
The French Revolution and the Revolution of 1848
The French Revolution legitimated the concept of political change and the idea that sovereignty lay with the people. The Revolution of 1848 centered on exclusion from the benefits of citizenship and showed two separate ways to deal with exclusion: more rights within the nation (the social revolution) and the exclusion of ethno-groups (the national revolution).
Mega-strategies and the State
After the French Revolution the fundamental political problem became how to reconcile the concept of popular sovereignty with the aim of the powerful to keep their privileges. To solve this problem three mega-strategies (ideologies) were created. Conservatism wanted to reverse (or limit the damage) the acquisitions of the French Revolution. Liberalism believed in reformism. Socialism wanted to accelerate political and social progress through full participation of all segments of society.
All three ideologies considered (control of) the State (power) as a crucial means to attain their ends. Even the die-hard liberals saw a strong State as the only sure guarantor of individualism.
Centrist Liberalism Triumphant (till today)
For the author, centrist liberalism tamed the other ideologies by stimulating (but limiting the impact of) anti-systemic movements (the concept of citizenship) and by inventing a superstructure, the historical social sciences (economics, sociology, political science), in order to define, explain (or cloak) and support its policies and to educate (control) the masses.
Liberalism created the liberal State in the core zone of the world economy. One pillar of this State ended in universal suffrage and the extension of civil rights to all citizens. The other pillar was taming the dangerous classes through the protection of the economically and socially weak by giving them a small part of the economic pie.
For the creation of a `strong' State historians were charged to `discover' the history of the State so that its population could identify itself strongly with the `nation'.
The liberals achieved in the mid19s an upswing of the world economy and a rather steady worldwide progress until today (a strong market, a strong State and a strong interstate system).
Immanuel Wallerstein's rather short thesis (supported by a mega-bibliography) constitutes a giant effort to explain in a crystal clear nutshell the dominant motives behind an at first sight very complex reality. Who takes up the gauntlet?
This book is a must read for all those who want to understand the world we live in.
Part IV is based on the ideas generated by and on the main issues fought for during two crucial events.
The French Revolution and the Revolution of 1848
The French Revolution legitimated the concept of political change and the idea that sovereignty lay with the people. The Revolution of 1848 centered on exclusion from the benefits of citizenship and showed two separate ways to deal with exclusion: more rights within the nation (the social revolution) and the exclusion of ethno-groups (the national revolution).
Mega-strategies and the State
After the French Revolution the fundamental political problem became how to reconcile the concept of popular sovereignty with the aim of the powerful to keep their privileges. To solve this problem three mega-strategies (ideologies) were created. Conservatism wanted to reverse (or limit the damage) the acquisitions of the French Revolution. Liberalism believed in reformism. Socialism wanted to accelerate political and social progress through full participation of all segments of society.
All three ideologies considered (control of) the State (power) as a crucial means to attain their ends. Even the die-hard liberals saw a strong State as the only sure guarantor of individualism.
Centrist Liberalism Triumphant (till today)
For the author, centrist liberalism tamed the other ideologies by stimulating (but limiting the impact of) anti-systemic movements (the concept of citizenship) and by inventing a superstructure, the historical social sciences (economics, sociology, political science), in order to define, explain (or cloak) and support its policies and to educate (control) the masses.
Liberalism created the liberal State in the core zone of the world economy. One pillar of this State ended in universal suffrage and the extension of civil rights to all citizens. The other pillar was taming the dangerous classes through the protection of the economically and socially weak by giving them a small part of the economic pie.
For the creation of a `strong' State historians were charged to `discover' the history of the State so that its population could identify itself strongly with the `nation'.
The liberals achieved in the mid19s an upswing of the world economy and a rather steady worldwide progress until today (a strong market, a strong State and a strong interstate system).
Immanuel Wallerstein's rather short thesis (supported by a mega-bibliography) constitutes a giant effort to explain in a crystal clear nutshell the dominant motives behind an at first sight very complex reality. Who takes up the gauntlet?
This book is a must read for all those who want to understand the world we live in.
Most Helpful Customer Reviews on Amazon.com (beta)
Amazon.com:
1 review
6 of 6 people found the following review helpful
A strong State(ment)
17 Nov 2011
Format:Paperback
This brilliant `ideological' analysis of the history of `The Modern World System' from 1789 to 1914 (Part IV) is certainly far less controversial than I. Wallerstein's Part III about the Industrial Revolution (for him, only `a cyclical upward increase in the mechanization of industrial production').
Part IV is based on the ideas generated by and on the main issues fought for during two crucial events.
The French Revolution and the Revolution of 1848
The French Revolution legitimated the concept of political change and the idea that sovereignty lay with the people. The Revolution of 1848 centered on exclusion from the benefits of citizenship and showed two separate ways to deal with exclusion: more rights within the nation (the social revolution) and the exclusion of ethno-groups (the national revolution).
Mega-strategies and the State
After the French Revolution the fundamental political problem became how to reconcile the concept of popular sovereignty with the aim of the powerful to keep their privileges. To solve this problem three mega-strategies (ideologies) were created. Conservatism wanted to reverse (or limit the damage) the acquisitions of the French Revolution. Liberalism believed in reformism. Socialism wanted to accelerate political and social progress through full participation of all segments of society.
All three ideologies considered (control of) the State (power) as a crucial means to attain their ends. Even the die-hard liberals saw a strong State as the only sure guarantor of individualism.
Centrist Liberalism Triumphant (till today)
For the author, centrist liberalism tamed the other ideologies by stimulating (but limiting the impact of) anti-systemic movements (the concept of citizenship) and by inventing a superstructure, the historical social sciences (economics, sociology, political science), in order to define, explain (or cloak) and support its policies and to educate (control) the masses.
Liberalism created the liberal State in the core zone of the world economy. One pillar of this State ended in universal suffrage and the extension of civil rights to all citizens. The other pillar was taming the dangerous classes through the protection of the economically and socially weak by giving them a small part of the economic pie.
For the creation of a `strong' State historians were charged to `discover' the history of the State so that its population could identify itself strongly with the `nation'.
The liberals achieved in the mid19s an upswing of the world economy and a rather steady worldwide progress until today (a strong market, a strong State and a strong interstate system).
Immanuel Wallerstein's rather short thesis (supported by a mega-bibliography) constitutes a giant effort to explain in a crystal clear nutshell the dominant motives behind an at first sight very complex reality. Who takes up the gauntlet?
This book is a must read for all those who want to understand the world we live in.
Part IV is based on the ideas generated by and on the main issues fought for during two crucial events.
The French Revolution and the Revolution of 1848
The French Revolution legitimated the concept of political change and the idea that sovereignty lay with the people. The Revolution of 1848 centered on exclusion from the benefits of citizenship and showed two separate ways to deal with exclusion: more rights within the nation (the social revolution) and the exclusion of ethno-groups (the national revolution).
Mega-strategies and the State
After the French Revolution the fundamental political problem became how to reconcile the concept of popular sovereignty with the aim of the powerful to keep their privileges. To solve this problem three mega-strategies (ideologies) were created. Conservatism wanted to reverse (or limit the damage) the acquisitions of the French Revolution. Liberalism believed in reformism. Socialism wanted to accelerate political and social progress through full participation of all segments of society.
All three ideologies considered (control of) the State (power) as a crucial means to attain their ends. Even the die-hard liberals saw a strong State as the only sure guarantor of individualism.
Centrist Liberalism Triumphant (till today)
For the author, centrist liberalism tamed the other ideologies by stimulating (but limiting the impact of) anti-systemic movements (the concept of citizenship) and by inventing a superstructure, the historical social sciences (economics, sociology, political science), in order to define, explain (or cloak) and support its policies and to educate (control) the masses.
Liberalism created the liberal State in the core zone of the world economy. One pillar of this State ended in universal suffrage and the extension of civil rights to all citizens. The other pillar was taming the dangerous classes through the protection of the economically and socially weak by giving them a small part of the economic pie.
For the creation of a `strong' State historians were charged to `discover' the history of the State so that its population could identify itself strongly with the `nation'.
The liberals achieved in the mid19s an upswing of the world economy and a rather steady worldwide progress until today (a strong market, a strong State and a strong interstate system).
Immanuel Wallerstein's rather short thesis (supported by a mega-bibliography) constitutes a giant effort to explain in a crystal clear nutshell the dominant motives behind an at first sight very complex reality. Who takes up the gauntlet?
This book is a must read for all those who want to understand the world we live in.
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