Based on information taken from 119 credited interviews, numerous anonymous interviews, 324 books and articles, 120 newspapers and journals, twenty-seven visual sources, three unpublished memoirs, five theses, and three official reports, as well as full access to the Workers' Party's archive, the book is five years in the making. The writing is clear, direct, and authoritative.
The Lost Revolution begins with the 1950s border campaign, and the aftermath of its failure. According to Sean Garland, the problem of The North was `a much deeper problem than we envisaged' and the necessary re-think in the 1960s saw elements within Sinn Féin and the IRA look towards contemporaneous left-wing national liberation movements across the globe, from Cuba to Vietnam. Cathal Goulding started to convince IRA members of the `importance of social agitation' and in 1965 `an IRA Department of Political Education' was set up and began organizing classes for volunteers.
Resistance to Goulding's plans soon developed around the figure of Seán Mac Stíofáin, O/C of the Cork/South Kerry area, who had been elected to the IRA Army Council in 1964. The move towards a socialist analysis opened up fissures in the movement. Whereas the splits in the IRA and Sinn Féin in December 1969 and January 1970 most certainly came from within the republican movement itself, the tactical support given to the Provisionals by the Irish government was to try to ensure that the Marxists were marginalised, and that the instability of the North stayed in the North.
The events of 1969 to 1973 are covered in great detail by Lost Revolution, as is the radicalisation of the Officials in the South with regard to the substantial economic and social issues faced by the the country's working class.
Throughout the 1970s and 1980s, `Group B' as the Official IRA became known within the Officials, organised robberies and continued to kill, especially when provoked by the Provisionals and by the INLA. In the 1980s the movement required all military operatives to deny they were members of the Officials, and this policy saw `Group B' operatives sentenced as ordinary criminals when caught and convicted. Over the years, Group B's primary focus shifted from defence of its areas in the North, to becoming more important as the `fundraising' wing of the Officials. It never lost this role.
The ambitions of the party's parliamentarians, however, proved to be the enemy within. The split in 1992 is seen as driven by the lack of theoretical coherence caused by the collapse of the Berlin Wall, and the careerist outlook of the party's T.D.s (members of parliament).
From the start, the goal of the Officials was to build a non-sectarian class-based political movement in order to protect the interests of the island's working class. The goal was a 32-county socialist republic, never a 32-county Catholic republic. Theirs was a class-based analysis, and for the most part it stuck to it.
It may be seen by some that the Officials are done no favours by Lost Revolution - given the exposure of criminal activity and the critical analysis of its `intellectual wing'. I would disagree. This is an honest and thoughtful account of the Officials, arguably the most successful and dynamic working class political organisation in Irish history. The Officials got things wrong, but they got things right as well. Lost Revolution shows that the Officials and their history still have things to offer us today.