Thatcher and Sons: A Revolution in Three Acts [Paperback]

In a bookshop my hand hovered over a copy of `Atlas shrugged' which had been strongly recommended to me by a friend, but I veered away, put off by the ponderous size of the book; instead I picked up this book, since it seemed to have tangential relevance to the same themes. I wanted to learn more and think more about `Thatcherism', a political movement which has dominated my adult life. I would say from the start that I have tended to view `Thatcherism' with overall approval, though tempered with reservations and criticisms.

Simon Jenkins is well placed to give a detailed and insightful narrative of the whole movement (if that is the right word), and the level of detail is astonishing. He sweeps from the early 1970s, when the UK was struggling politically and economically, through to the accession of Gordon Brown to power - though the book came out before the current financial crisis. His amusing and persuasive argument is that the dominant political philosophy in this country is unbroken from Thatcher to Brown - hence the title and the cover picture of Thatcher walking along, with eager pupils - Major, Blair and Brown - scurrying after.

He explains vividly the origins of Thatcher's political views, giving due weight to other key figures, such as Geoffrey Howe, Nigel Lawson and Keith Joseph. Surprisingly he portrays Thatcher herself as a timid and reluctant `Thatcherite' up to her second election victory in 1983. Quite rightly, he points out the many gaps between her stirring, stern rhetoric and what she actually did.

The first revolution that Jenkins identifies is the traditionally understood drive to change the UK fundamentally by privatisation, increasing entrepreneurial incentives, reducing the overweening power of the unions and so forth. Many interesting details and trenchant opinions are embedded in this account, many critical. He points out the self-serving untruths in Thatcher's autobiography along the way - such as her later assertion that she always believed in a strong defence policy, whereas the truth is that her government had plans for swingeing cuts in defence just before the Falklands war (including selling one of our aircraft carriers to Argentina!).

The second revolution he identifies is far less positive - the massive centralisation of power and increase in bureaucracy that she initiated. Here her central contradiction becomes starkly clear: she believed in revolutionising the state by giving power back to individuals, but because she thought so many organs of government were incompetent and tainted with socialism - especially local government - she then proceeded to gather more power into her hands in order to effect the changes she wanted to see. She could not let go and be true to her theoretical beliefs. She felt she was the only one who saw things correctly, and knew how to change them.

Jenkins' detailed account of how power was centralised in the Treasury and the number 10 cabinet office - something that went into overdrive under John Major - provides many facts and views of which I had not been fully aware. The argument of continuity of policy under the Labour party government is convincing. The drive for more central control then led to a myriad of `targets' and endless reforms. The increasing waste and incompetence of central government, especially under Gordon Brown's treasury and John Prescott's various roles, are bitterly savaged.

By the end of the book, we have a hideously compelling picture of the modern `Leviathan' which hunkers over our lives today, with a bloated public sector, gross waste of resources, infantile targets, endless inspections/ audits/reviews and higher taxes. Jenkins then brings out his proposal for a third revolution, which is to devolve more power to local government. He makes useful comparisons with the structures of local power in many of our European neighbours. He is generally approving of Scottish and Welsh devolution, and sees great potential in the very local structure of civic involvement, down to parishes and town councils. He likes the idea of city Mayors. It is a call to the revival of local democracy and civic pride.

Jenkins seeks to answer two questions; first, what exactly was Thatcherism? This he defines as two revolutions; privatising the old nationalised industries and utilities; and bringing the discipline of market forces into public services. Both were pursued single-mindedly by the previous four premiers. Jenkins' narrative is scaffolded around these themes which gives it a nice edge. There are some revealing details; Thatcher rounds on the board of British Rail: you're all crap, she says, otherwise you'd be in private industry. Jenkins is also revealing on Blair; like Thatcher he had no hinterland, little culture and no history. Brown with his dourness and inability to communicate leads Jenkins to wonder why he ever sought a career in politics; the electorate will no doubt soon resolve this oversight. Jenkins' second question is: why has it failed? Despite the millions put in the public still think public services are rubbish. Why? Jenkins' answer is interesting; every stage in the Thatcher reforms whether by Maggie or Tony/Gordan invoke red tape by the ton; centralism is the curse of the British body politic argues Jenkins. The state far from receding grows and grows leviathan-like, every more intrusive, ever more clumsy and inept, ever more disapointing of the unrealistic expectations it generates in an ever watchful public/press. Our atomised, centralised democracy (as predicted by the insightful de Tocqueville) contrast poorly with the civic involvement of the USA or Europe; these are not perfect but Jenkins feels they deliver the sort of locally accountable public services that Thatcherism whether of the mother or of the sons never can. This book offers an interesting and often revealng narrative and the beginning of what could be an interesting debate. We pride ourselves as being the cradle of democracy; but Jenkins points out that Major won the biggest ever popular majority in British parliamentary history (yes, MAJOR!) yet got for his trouble a fwo figure Commons majority that knobbled him for good. Clearly Jenkins is right to suspect that our democracy is less fit for purpose than we think and overdue for some fundamental re-thinking.

With this well-written and insightful book, Jenkins confirms his status as probably Britain's leading broadsheet columinist on matters political. Here, he has a compelling thesis and follows it through chapter after chapter, and only the latter couple of chapters are somewhat of a letdown. The continuation of Thatcher's 1980s deeds, via Major, Blair and, most probably, Gordon Brown, is documented well, with judicious use of figures and concrete examples to underpin the trenchant views of the author. The mismatches between the two distinct Thatcherite revolutions are stressed throughout this book, though reference to Andrew Gamble's excellent 'The Free Economy and the Strong State' would have been instructive. Many of the problems and inefficiencies supposedly brought about by command and control centralism (or, in the early postwar decades summed up as 'The man in Whitehall knows best') are exposed here, including some major and very costly failings under Brown's watch at the Treasury. It becomes clear from this evidence that ministerial accountability is one of the hollowest words in the British political vocabulary.

While the supposed panacea of 'localism' does not really convince, we can at least be sure that we are right to be highly sceptical of leading politicians pronouncing ad nauaeam about the virtues of devolving power and reinvigorating local governance. The words 'clutching' and 'straws' spring to mind. Also, despite the post-1997 devolution settlements, the political culture in Britain still seems highly centralised and one fears that the good citizens of Britain are not ready to somehow embrace a localist philosophy as a way of overcoming the pathologies of heavily-centralised management of public services. Indeed, much evidence points to a generally declining interest in political participation, with local politics perhaps bearing the brunt in terms of pitiful local election turnout levels. Central or local, regional or supranational, public administration everywhere is a complex business and devolving a swathe of powers to local councils - whatever their territorial basis - is not necessarily the magic potion that Jenkins, despite his preeminence as an author and commentator, so fervently believes it to be.

A very interesting read, but, as with many analyses of the failings of how Britain is governed, it offers a comprehensive diagnosis, but remains unconvincing in the remedy it offers.