Terror and Liberalism [Paperback]

Paul Berman is from the left politically, but, as with Christopher Hitchens, is appalled at the current attitude of the liberal left to the Iraqi war and the Palestinian situation. He argues that the short 20th century (1914-1989) didn't see the final defeat of the totalitarianisms of left and right, but that these survive in the Middle East, both in the teachings of Islamic fundamentalists and with the secular Baathists. Both of these groups in their different ways incorporated elements of the worst of European totalitarian philosophies. And the left, following the ignoble traditions of many in the thirties (Berman cites the example of the French socialists under Paul Faure), pretend it isn't happening.

One of the most interesting points that Berman raises, for me, is the question of the Palestinian suicide bombers. I find it quite extraordinary that this repellent form of terrorism is so remarkably effective in raising support for the Palestinian cause, and how many on the left think it quite reasonable (well yes, it's a shame about those innocent deaths, but...), and take it as proof that the Palestinians are suffering so appallingly under the Israelis that comparisons are blithely made not just with apartheid South Africa, but even, pace Tom Paulin and others, with Nazi Germany. But this is completely to misunderstand the mentality involved here. These suicide bombers are part of a profound pathology within the Arab world, a chiliastic movement, where death is glory. The same lazy shallow thinking, whereby everyone acts rationally in the light of their perceived interests, had it that the 9/11 bombers were protesting American foreign policy and the plight of the Palestinians. No, no, no. These people were protesting the very existence of liberalism. These people were fanatics.

Read the book. It's well-written, and will make you think.

Paul Berman wrote a compelling book about the dangers that current terrorism provide for the cause of freedom and liberalism. This case - that there are forces that are at war with liberalism and that we need to rise up to the challenge - has been made enough by some commentators but not heard enough, especially in some circles and through the major media channels. In particular, in Europe such a case has been often derided as simply an ad hoc justification for an 'imperialist war' or, when recognised for what it is, an unnecessary war on terror. Paul Berman is no neo-conservative. Actually in the preface he raises the question whether this book should position itself on the left or right side of the political spectrum. The author clearly would like to put himself on the moderate left side, but makes often argument that are heard more from commentators on the moderate right side. The reason is simple: with regard to the current 'terror war', there is no right or left, but only a liberal society and its enemies. Berman traces the history of this clash, between liberty and totalitarianism, back a century, to First World, Second world war and the cold war. Liberalism has fought many enemies, and many faces of the same enemy. We need to recognise terrorists for what they are and they they, those who harbour them, and dictators are the enemy of liberalism, under another face maybe, but animated by the same avulsion for our principles of freedom and equality as previous totalitarianisms, such as nazism and communism, were. The fact that this call to arms comes from somebody that would like to place himself on the left side is even more encouraging, as today there are too many people willing to deny the reality of our world and indulge themselves in wishful thinking. And here is the second main contribution of this book. The denunciation of the wishful thinking of some - not to say most - of the people on the left (and some on the right too, but to a far lesser degree). The author draw parallels from recent history; as socialists in France took a sympathetic view of Hitler in the 1930s (because they were opposed to war in any circumstance), and most of the left were more than sympathetic with communism during the Cold War, so today, opponents of war fail to recognise the dangers we are facing. Berman does not fail to criticise American foreign policy when it's needed (he understands the current administration foreign policy strategy better than most other people); and it does not fail to criticise the failure of liberalism when they happens ("the totalitarian movements arise because of failures in the liberal civilisation"). However, it is also clearly states what we should be for: we are the anti-nihilists, we are for the freedom for others. And this is way this book should be read by everybody interested in understanding what is happening today; in particular it should be read by those who two years ago demonstrated against the Iraq invasion. Some of them had good and sensible reasons to oppose the invasion (some others did not), but the irony was clear: "the largest mass demonstrations in the history of the world were aimed at preventing the overthrow of one of the worst tyrannies in the modern age". We should be for the freedom of others.

The controversies of the Iraq war can distract us from the bigger issue of the global war against Islamic terror. Reading this powerful book (of 2004) refocuses our attention where it needs to be. Berman - a centre-left intellectual, no neo-conservative - is warning us not to be naïve, and to appreciate the reality of totalitarian terror. We must learn from our liberal forbears in the 30's, who underestimated the madness about to engulf them.

He takes us back to the collapse of the enlightenment and the `apocalyptic rebellion' of the early 20th century. In and around two World Wars, he reminds us, marched various totalitarian groups: the Bolsheviks, the Nazis, the Spanish Phalange, the Italian Fascists. These monstrously evil movements all had similar yearnings: Holy Armageddon, the extermination of `corrupt' (ie liberal) societies, creation of a Pure, Authoritarian, Total State. Moslem fundamentalists are the latest such totalitarian regime : Jihad warriors gloriously sacrificing themselves in pursuit of the Pure Islamist State operating under Shariah Law.

He describes the formation and ethos of the Baath party (initially co-opting Mohammed as their leader, until taken over by Saddam Hussein), then the original Muslim Brotherhood (greatly influenced by the Sunni writer Sayyid Qutb). Passionately opposed to the secular liberal societies - even partially religious ones - Qutb taught of the deplorable inattention given by Christianity to the Old Testament, and its inevitable, sinful, decline from the medieval Church-State into an overly materialistic, insufficiently devout, corruptly liberated and democratic mess. And he taught of the `sins' of the Jews: their rejection of Mohammed, their financial dealings, the works of Marx, and Freud. He taught that there's a lot that needs destroying.

This is not, Berman argues, merely the age-old `clash of civilisations' : this is twentieth century ideological warfare. Despite American aid and support given to Muslims in Bosnia, Somalia, Afghanistan, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia and Palestine, and despite the Western education of the footsoldiers of Bin Laden's suicide army, the jihad has grown rapidly around the world. Berman summarises its components. Saddam Hussein's weapons development - and his example in the first Gulf War of effectively withstanding American attack. Mujahadeen victory over Russia in Afghanistan. Khomeini's Iranian revolution. Saudia Arabia's ambiguous role in sponsoring terrorism. Atrocities in Algeria, Kashmir, Afghanistan, Kurdish Iraq, Sudan, Lebanon, Egypt, Israel, and the USA.

Berman's plea - which, as he expounds, George Bush failed to make clearly enough (he ineptly managed to put us Europeans off; we nevetheless foolishly resented the US) - is : this is not just America's war. Nor is this just about pursuing individuals. This is the latest phase of the war of liberty against totalitarian terror. We firstly have to acknowledge the reality of mass pathological movements. We then have to summon the courage to stand up when needed for the principles of liberal society, when they are threatened with extermination.

Describing how heartened he was by what was achieved (initially) in Afghanistan, and by what was achieved (eventually) in Kosovo, Berman urges the international community to engage, not only militarily, but politically and intellectually, against the totalitarian murderousness of Muslim fundamentalist terror.