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Sovereign Virtue: The Theory and Practice of Equality
 
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Sovereign Virtue: The Theory and Practice of Equality [Paperback]

Ronald Dworkin
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Product details

  • Paperback: 522 pages
  • Publisher: Harvard University Press (1 Mar 2002)
  • Language English
  • ISBN-10: 0674008103
  • ISBN-13: 978-0674008106
  • Product Dimensions: 23.5 x 15.6 x 3.4 cm
  • Average Customer Review: 4.0 out of 5 stars  See all reviews (1 customer review)
  • Amazon Bestsellers Rank: 53,949 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
  • See Complete Table of Contents

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Review

Many philosophers would not be offended by the charge that philosophy is not a practical pursuit. Dworkin, a professor at New York University and University College in London, is deeply offended. He insists that philosophers can clarify the foundations of law to build a better world...In Sovereign Virtue, Dworkin attempts...first to establish principles and then apply them to today's vexing issues, including health care, campaign finance and affirmative action. -- Mitchell Goodman Raleigh News & Observer There is much that is brilliant in Dworkin's development of [his] themes. He reconceptualizes egalitarianism so...it corrects only inequalities for which people are not responsible...[Dworkin] presents an original and comprehensive political theory that claims to unite equality not only with freedom but also with other allegedly competing values, such as democracy, community and the good life. And he repeatedly connects his abstract speculations to specific controversies from contemporary political life. This is what political philosophy should do, and Dworkin does it better than anyone else now writing. -- Thomas Hurka Toronto Globe and Mail Dworkin's aim in Sovereign Virtue is to rescue the 'endangered' value of equality and to accommodate it to personal responsibility...[His] position is what he calls an 'ethical individualism' embodying two principles: it is equally important, for each human life, that it be successful; and every person has a special responsibility for the success of his own life. If you take both these ideas seriously, you will be driven, so Dworkin argues, to demand equality of resources. This ideal is the core of the book, and he defends it in impressive detail against its main rivals--equality of welfare and equality of opportunity. The Economist This is a work of the first importance, by an outstanding philosopher of politics and law who is the most eloquent, thoughtful and judicious spokesman of the new centre-left-liberal position which in recent years has come to be called 'the third way'--a label conferred and expounded by lesser minds, but here given what is not only the deepest and most compelling statement it has yet received, but a statement which is, in addition, genuinely deep and compelling. -- A.C. Grayling Financial Times Dworkin is that rare creature, a public intellectual. He writes with clarity and economy, and while he is not hard to understand, he demands maximum concentration from his readers...He sets out not just to persuade us to think differently, but also to act differently. He wants to change not just our beliefs but our behavior too...Sovereign Virtue is a book rich in arguments. Every objection is debated into submission; every alternative is pondered until its inadequacy becomes clear to the author. -- Anthony Julius Sunday Telegraph Sovereign Virtue...is...extraordinarily impressive: supple, suave and enviably deft, like all his work, and in its cumulative effect quite exceptionally illuminating...[Dworkin] has been in many ways the most systematic moral, political and legal thinker of the past three decades in the Anglophone world. He may lack the personal authority or the singularity of mind of John Rawls. But on this evidence he has a substantially broader range of ambition, a set of forceful moral intuitions, a speed and boldness of intellectual manoeuvre, and a combination of energy and sheer pertinacity that are all his own. -- John Dunn Times Higher Education Supplement For Dworkin fans, indeed for any analytical political philosopher who rejects the 'new pragmatism' linguistic turn and relishes a complex argumentative structure, this book will provide many hours of intellectual stimulation. Just as we who are not ourselves great chess players or mathematicians can admire the minds of great chess players or mathematicians, so even skeptical readers may admire Dworkin's elegant and complex sense of how philosophers can do their work. -- Lief Carter Law and Politics Review For the last two decades, Ronald Dworkin has been developing answers to...questions [of public policy] as part of a powerful and surprising response to the larger question of how we should reconcile liberty with equality. Unlike many partisans of equality, he thinks conservatives are right to hold individuals largely responsible for their own fates. But unlike many partisans of liberty, he nevertheless believes in substantial governmental intervention to bring about more equality. And, unlike both, he argues that, in the deepest sense, equality and liberty are never truly at odds. In Sovereign Virtue, Dworkin has brought together this surprising theory and some of its applications...If we care about having a rational public discourse about the many contests that seem to pit liberty against equality, we owe his book a careful reading. -- K. Anthony Appiah New York Review of Books 20010426 With Sovereign Virtue, Ronald Dworkin finally presents his political theory in a form convenient for the general reader, stripped of the specialized arguments about jurisprudence on which he has built his reputation. The issue in Sovereign Virtue is not how judges should decide cases, but what kind of equality between individuals government should secure and maintain. -- Daniel Choi Independent Review [Dworkin] explodes the platitudes that have traditionally been used to determine whether someone's views on equality were "sound" and he manages to map out a terrain on which [an] honest and respectable argument about equality can be conducted. These are major achievements, and the papers collected in Sovereign Virtue must be regarded now as classics in political philosophy. -- Jeremy Waldron London Review of Books 20010909 Dworkin's prolific scholarly and journalistic writings have defined the intellectual agenda for academic liberals in law schools as well as philosophy and political-science departments for a quarter of a century Ronal Dworkin is a powerful and persuasive advocate of the view that law and politics do indeed at crucial junctures depend on moral philosophy's services. -- Peter Berkowitz National Review Dworkin has been a leading contributor to the egalitarian literature for 20 years. This volume collects and develops his most important work in the area and would be of immense interest for this reason alone. In addition, Dworkin labors tirelessly to connect his theoretical analysis to concrete policy prescriptions. The second half of the book provides one of the most impressive extended examples of applied political theory in the egalitarian literature Dworkin's defense of resourcist theory is quite persuasive on its own terms, and it forces the reader to confront Dworkin's account of responsibility for preferences and the related implications for egalitarian justice. -- Alexander Kaufman Social Service Review Dworkin's procedure is bolder, his ambition to build theory stronger, and the range of application of his views much wider But what is perhaps most philosophically striking about Dworkin is how insistently systematic his vision is. It is not merely that he builds interesting, and sometimes compelling, connections between the book's first seven chapters on theory and the last seven It is, rather, in his almost platonic argument for a kind of unity of the virtues that the deepest aspirations of his thought can be seen. -- James Lindemann Nelson Second Opinion The first half contains a veritable flood of novel and inspired theoretical ideas; the second half applies these exciting ideas in surprisingly conventional ways. -- Will Kymlicka ISUMA He offers a powerful defense of the market, along Mesesian lines Dworkin is not the only writer to raise these issues, but he does so in a particularly effective way: At many points, Dworkin's book proves a valuable quarry for those aiming to defend the market. The Mises Review This is an important book whose appearance might very well fuel the "Fourth Great Awakening." Arguably it is far more fundamental than the narrow "morality" that concerns Himmelfarb. Future Survey Dworkin argues that equality is the "sovereign virtue" in the sense that it is the "special and indispensable" value that political authority must promote This work will be frequently cited because of the importance of the papers and the convenience of having them collected in one volume; it is an essential text for academic libraries. -- J. D. Moon CHOICE

Product Description

Equality is the endangered species of political ideas. Even left-of-centre politicians reject equality as an ideal: government must combat poverty, they say, but need not strive that its citizens be equal in any dimension. In this new book the author insists, to the contrary, that equality is the indispensable virtue of democratic sovereignty. A legitimate government must treat all its citizens as equals, that is, with equal respect and concern, and, since the economic distribution that any society achieves is mainly the consequence of its system of law and policy, that requirement imposes serious egalitarian constraints on that distribution. What distribution of a nation's wealth is demanded by equal concern for all? Dworkin draws upon two fundamental humanist principles - first, it is of equal objective importance that all human lives flourish, and second, each person is responsible for defining and achieving the flourishing of his or her own life - to ground his well-known thesis that true equality means equality in the value of the resources that each person commands, not in the success he or she achieves. Equality, freedom, and individual responsibility are therefore not in conflict, but flow from and into one another as facets of the same humanist conception of life and politics. Since no abstract political theory can be understood except in the context of actual and complex political issues, the author develops his thesis by applying it to heated contemporary controversies about the distribution of health care, unemployment benefits, campaign finance reform, affirmative action, assisted suicide, and genetic engineering.

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Most Helpful Customer Reviews
18 of 20 people found the following review helpful
By A Customer
Format:Hardcover
It is handy, but also a bit disappointing when philosophers publish a book that consists, to a wide part, of papers that are generally well-known, and quite readily available. This is, to a certain extent what Ronald Dworkin did with this book - offering us his seminal articles on equality, his argument for equality of resources, and his clever insight into how we can combine equality and liberty through the market. His theory is complex, too complex if you simply want a quick look into the current state of egalitarian theorising; on the other hand the second part of this book consists of application of Dworkin's theoretical ideas to real-life problems, from positive discrimination to gene therapy. These chapters are perhaps the most interesting part of the book - together with his chapter on justice and the Platonian question whether we can live well in virtue of injustice. The answer for Dworkin is 'no' - living an unjust life hurts the bearer of that life, because he cannot face the right challenge, and facing the right challenge and responding well to it is, for Dworkin as well as for other philosophers in the Aristotelian tradition, what makes a life successful. The problem is again complex; but the question that Dworkin asks are pivotal for our understanding of our very own lives, of our life in a community and with other, of our responsibility and our freedom, and so it is certainly worthwhile looking into this book!
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Amazon.com:  6 reviews
2 of 2 people found the following review helpful
How to bridge socialism and (classical) liberalism 16 Dec 2009
By defendant k. - Published on Amazon.com
Format:Paperback|Amazon Verified Purchase
To libertarians out there...read this book and you will understand exactly why liberalism has changed in America. Brilliant, provocative and insightful all around. I pick it up every year or so and re-read certain sections for fun. If you can understand his points (particularly about hypothetical insurance markets) you will be hard pressed to disagree with them. I desperately wish this book would get the credit it deserves.
10 of 14 people found the following review helpful
Impossibly Interesting 23 Feb 2001
By Panopticonman - Published on Amazon.com
Format:Hardcover
If you're willing to expend the energy on Dworkin's dense, abstract prose in the first section, you'll be rewarded in the second section wherein he applies his abstractions to tough issues like national healthcare, and genetic manipulation. Dworkin sometimes sounds like an insurance analyst -- he tends to think in terms of spreading risk across populations. He also likes to build models to help conceptualize the distribution of risk and reward in society. These models, fully understood, provide a means of gauging all kinds of propositions: propositions about genetic experimentation, economic inequality, healthcare, to name just a few that he covers in the second section. The problem is that it takes a long time for Dworkin to set up these models that one begins to lose sight of just why such a conceptual tool might be worthwhile (for instance, a desert island where everyone arrives on an equal footing and the auction that ensues to distribute resources equally according to preference.) At the same time, there is something heartening about Dworkin's insistence that rationality can prevail, that reasonable people can agree on certain basic assumptions about the importance of public goods and ways in which these goods might be attained. One wants to believe that this is the case, in spite of considerable evidence to the contrary, especially in our current political discourse, so polarized as not to admit any room for the intrusion of reason. A noble try, really. Overall, a tough book, but a rewarding one.
13 of 20 people found the following review helpful
an ingenious argument for a subtle conception of liberal equ 20 April 2001
By The Independent Review, Winter 2001 - Published on Amazon.com
Format:Hardcover
With Sovereign Virtue, Ronald Dworkin finally presents his political theory in a form convenient for the general reader, stripped of the specialized arguments about jurisprudence on which he has built his reputation. The issue in Sovereign Virtue is not how judges should decide cases, but what kind of equality between individuals government should secure and maintain. For Dworkin, liberal egalitarianism strives to make the effects of personal choice dominate over those of individual luck. "When and how far is it right that individuals bear disadvantages or misfortunes of their own situations themselves, and when is it right, on the contrary, that others-the other members of the community in which they live, for example-relieve them from or mitigate the consequences of these disadvantages?" (p. 287). His answer is that "individuals should be relieved of consequential responsibility for those unfortunate features of their situation that are brute bad luck, but not from those that should be seen as flowing from their own choices" (p. 287). In this way, Dworkin claims to strike the right balance between collective and personal responsibility...

...if one makes it past the many pedantic issues Dworkin raises, one will finally come to the provocative, practical nub of his political theory: the distinction between fair and unfair differences in wealth. All philosopher's puzzles aside, Sovereign Virtue calls for a continuous redistribution of wealth much more massive than what is effected now. Dworkin gives no concrete figures, but he believes that "the wealth of everyone in a fair society would be much closer to the average than is true in America now: the great extremes between rich and poor that mark our economic life now would have largely disappeared" (p. 312). Only such a very large redistribution, he contends, would render persons tolerably equal in the extent to which their fates are determined by things beyond their control, but would also leave each person's fate sensitive to the choices he actually makes. Dworkin also argues for a universal health-care system, a more generous welfare scheme, greater regulations on campaign expenditures and contributions, and race-sensitive admissions policies. But all of these positions, with the possible exception of the last, issue directly from the fundamental inequity Dworkin sees in the free-market distribution of wealth...

...Are the advantages accruing to lucky owners of "wealth-talent" any different in principle from the advantages conferred by very selective universities to the lucky owners of the endowment of being black? As F. A. Hayek once noted, the free market does not recognize merit or desert in any objective sense, but simply the value others place on one's capacities or services. "Our problem is whether it is desirable that people should enjoy advantages in proportion to the benefits which their fellows derive from their activities or whether the distribution of these advantages should be based on other men's views of their merits" (Friedrich A. Hayek, The Constitution of Liberty [Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1960], p. 94). But this problem is exactly the same as the one regarding university admissions, as Dworkin frames it...

...Sovereign Virtue, in general, contains an ingenious argument for a subtle conception of liberal equality, worked out over the course of a prodigious career. There are many impressive parts to Dworkin's argument that I have not mentioned for lack of space. Still, that argument is marked by several fundamental inconsistencies. Why should certain people enjoy the unmerited privilege of a rare and prestigious university education, but no one enjoy unmerited wealth? Why shouldn't entrepreneurial capitalists enjoy the equal benefit of Dworkin's liberal neutrality toward "life plans"? And why should inequalities of political influence receive more lax treatment under Dworkin's egalitarian principle than inequalities of wealth? Until Dworkin explains how these positions issue from consistent principle, we must consider his political theory a work of extraordinarily articulate prejudice.

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