- Paperback: 311 pages
- Publisher: HarperPerennial; New Updated Ed edition (Dec 1988)
- Language English
- ISBN-10: 0060915285
- ISBN-13: 978-0060915285
- Product Dimensions: 19.8 x 13.5 x 1.8 cm
- Average Customer Review: 5.0 out of 5 stars See all reviews (1 customer review)
- Amazon Bestsellers Rank: 1,216,641 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
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Synopsis
Gorbachev outlines the economic, social, and political aims of the USSR, discusses internal and external restructuring, and addresses Soviet-American relations.
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Most Helpful Customer Reviews
Format:Hardcover
Apart from "Das Kapital" which obviously pre-dates the revolution, since 1917 and the October revolution, Russian leaders were not known for their great writings and certainly not in the West. Seventy years after it, Mikhail Gorbachev's book, "Perestroika" lined the bookshelves.
"This world is nevertheless one whole. We are all passengers aboard one ship, the Earth and we must not allow it to be wrecked. There will be no Noah's Ark ... Time slips past and must not be wasted. We have to act. (Pp. 12-13) In a book he intended for "the USSR, the USA and, indeed, the whole world", he sets out a detailed agenda: Soviet Reconstruction, "Real Socialism", "Soviet Foreign Policy" and the "Problems of Disarmament in USSR and USA".
Between 1969 and 1979 there were a series of negotiations between the two countries aimed not at reducing stockpiles but of limiting the growth of their arsenals. Gorbachev published this book in 1982 in which he is openly critical of the past with a bloodless revolutionary view of the future. It did not work out quite as he had hoped but he and Ronald Reagan changed the world. Meetings in August and September 1986, ended in the Reykjavik Summit on October 11, 1986. The 1987 Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty, eliminated a wide range of weapons.
In his book, he had laid the ground-breaking and reconstructing philosophies and politics.
"This world is nevertheless one whole. We are all passengers aboard one ship, the Earth and we must not allow it to be wrecked. There will be no Noah's Ark ... Time slips past and must not be wasted. We have to act. (Pp. 12-13) In a book he intended for "the USSR, the USA and, indeed, the whole world", he sets out a detailed agenda: Soviet Reconstruction, "Real Socialism", "Soviet Foreign Policy" and the "Problems of Disarmament in USSR and USA".
Between 1969 and 1979 there were a series of negotiations between the two countries aimed not at reducing stockpiles but of limiting the growth of their arsenals. Gorbachev published this book in 1982 in which he is openly critical of the past with a bloodless revolutionary view of the future. It did not work out quite as he had hoped but he and Ronald Reagan changed the world. Meetings in August and September 1986, ended in the Reykjavik Summit on October 11, 1986. The 1987 Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty, eliminated a wide range of weapons.
In his book, he had laid the ground-breaking and reconstructing philosophies and politics.
Most Helpful Customer Reviews on Amazon.com (beta)
Amazon.com:
7 reviews
2 of 2 people found the following review helpful
Why did the Soviet Union Collapse?
3 May 2009
Format:Hardcover
This book (Perestroika: New Thinking for Our Country and the World) was written just a few years before the Soviet Union collapse, yet provides vital clues to explain the then impending collapse. In the first 30 pages of the book, Gorbachev provides a searing indictment of Soviet society. The economy couldn't produce useful goods and services. The people were demoralized. And the Communist Party, which controlled the government, perpetuated these and numerous other dysfunctional social systems through its top-down mode of operation.
Attempting to revitalize Soviet society, in the mid 1980's, the party finally began its "glasnost" (opening up) and "perestroika" (restructuring) campaigns. Glasnost was an attempt to allow people to freely criticize the government. Perestroika was the attempt to reform and restructure the economy. But these were either too little or too late. The collapse came anyway.
The mystery in the Western world was why it seemingly happened so quickly, and why no one in the West anticipated it. Gorbachev's description of Soviet society illuminates that the collapse did not happen quickly; it had been developing for decades. In a simple phrase, socialism as practiced by the Soviets just did not work. Gorbachev attributes the problems in Soviet society to the government's top-down management style. Orders came from the top. Everyone else was conditioned to simply obey.
Gorbachev argues that with perestroika the Soviet Union would create a new type of democratic socialism that would remedy all the flaws he saw in the existing system. In many gracefully written passages, he explains that he envisions that power and creative ideas would flow up from the people and invigorate the government. The democratic socialism he envisioned would be a far different system than the top-down Soviet style of government. Missing in his book, however, is any description of how the Communist Party itself would have been restructured. It is hard to imagine how the unreformed ruling party could ever have directed the changes Gorbachev says were needed.
Gorbachev discusses at length his belief that the possibility of catastrophic nuclear war forces a new way of thinking about foreign policy and war. The possibility that life on earth could be destroyed requires new concepts that rise above traditional ideological thinking of capitalism vs. socialism. There would be no winners in a nuclear war. We must learn to accept and tolerate our differences. He thinks we can live in peace despite our differences. He discusses the proposals he made to President Reagan to eventually eliminate Soviet and USA nuclear weapons. Although he was unsuccessful in achieving such an arms agreement with Reagan, he is optimistic that such an agreement will eventually come about.
It is unusual for government heads to write books while they are still in power. History too easily makes fools of those who do. In this book you see the thinking of a very charming and optimistic man who is oblivious to the fate that history was about to thrust upon him. But knowing what is about to happen to Gorbachev and the Soviet Union makes the reading of this book all the more interesting.
Attempting to revitalize Soviet society, in the mid 1980's, the party finally began its "glasnost" (opening up) and "perestroika" (restructuring) campaigns. Glasnost was an attempt to allow people to freely criticize the government. Perestroika was the attempt to reform and restructure the economy. But these were either too little or too late. The collapse came anyway.
The mystery in the Western world was why it seemingly happened so quickly, and why no one in the West anticipated it. Gorbachev's description of Soviet society illuminates that the collapse did not happen quickly; it had been developing for decades. In a simple phrase, socialism as practiced by the Soviets just did not work. Gorbachev attributes the problems in Soviet society to the government's top-down management style. Orders came from the top. Everyone else was conditioned to simply obey.
Gorbachev argues that with perestroika the Soviet Union would create a new type of democratic socialism that would remedy all the flaws he saw in the existing system. In many gracefully written passages, he explains that he envisions that power and creative ideas would flow up from the people and invigorate the government. The democratic socialism he envisioned would be a far different system than the top-down Soviet style of government. Missing in his book, however, is any description of how the Communist Party itself would have been restructured. It is hard to imagine how the unreformed ruling party could ever have directed the changes Gorbachev says were needed.
Gorbachev discusses at length his belief that the possibility of catastrophic nuclear war forces a new way of thinking about foreign policy and war. The possibility that life on earth could be destroyed requires new concepts that rise above traditional ideological thinking of capitalism vs. socialism. There would be no winners in a nuclear war. We must learn to accept and tolerate our differences. He thinks we can live in peace despite our differences. He discusses the proposals he made to President Reagan to eventually eliminate Soviet and USA nuclear weapons. Although he was unsuccessful in achieving such an arms agreement with Reagan, he is optimistic that such an agreement will eventually come about.
It is unusual for government heads to write books while they are still in power. History too easily makes fools of those who do. In this book you see the thinking of a very charming and optimistic man who is oblivious to the fate that history was about to thrust upon him. But knowing what is about to happen to Gorbachev and the Soviet Union makes the reading of this book all the more interesting.
1 of 1 people found the following review helpful
Gorbachev's political statement that he deserves far more credit for than he has received
23 Dec 2006
Format:Paperback
It has been almost twenty years since this book was written and shortly after that, the Soviet Union fell apart. That political entity known as the Soviet Block suddenly was no more, going out more with a soft pop than anything approaching a bang. There are those who believe that the collapse of the Soviet Union was inevitable, they cite technological advancement and the superiority of the capitalist system as the root causes.
All that is true, but as we saw when several of the hard-line communists tried to stage a coup, the collapse of the Soviet Union could have been very bloody. For all of that Gorbachev deserves to get far more credit than history has so far granted him. He could have clamped down the political controls while easing the economic ones. In fact it can be argued that it would have been better for the subsequent Russian nation had he been more politically forceful as the Soviet Empire was falling apart.
This book is a description of Gorbachev's political and economic philosophy, but more important, it is a statement of how he viewed the Soviet presence in the world. For it is in this book that one can see the seeds of the destruction of the Soviet Empire, when he made it clear that he would not use force to maintain it. Once the fear of political repression was removed, there was little to keep it together.
I read this book when it first came out in 1988 and was impressed with Gorbachev. Unlike others who seem to consider him a historical nonentity, my opinion of him is higher than it was in 1988. It was his vision that allowed the transition to take place and if he is guilty of anything, it is a lack of vision as to how quickly it would lead to dramatic change. But at the time, there were very few people who can claim that level of clairvoyance.
All that is true, but as we saw when several of the hard-line communists tried to stage a coup, the collapse of the Soviet Union could have been very bloody. For all of that Gorbachev deserves to get far more credit than history has so far granted him. He could have clamped down the political controls while easing the economic ones. In fact it can be argued that it would have been better for the subsequent Russian nation had he been more politically forceful as the Soviet Empire was falling apart.
This book is a description of Gorbachev's political and economic philosophy, but more important, it is a statement of how he viewed the Soviet presence in the world. For it is in this book that one can see the seeds of the destruction of the Soviet Empire, when he made it clear that he would not use force to maintain it. Once the fear of political repression was removed, there was little to keep it together.
I read this book when it first came out in 1988 and was impressed with Gorbachev. Unlike others who seem to consider him a historical nonentity, my opinion of him is higher than it was in 1988. It was his vision that allowed the transition to take place and if he is guilty of anything, it is a lack of vision as to how quickly it would lead to dramatic change. But at the time, there were very few people who can claim that level of clairvoyance.
1 of 1 people found the following review helpful
Interesting perspective from behind the iron curtain
18 Nov 2006
Format:Paperback
An interesting account, by Mikhail Gorbachev, on "Glasnost" and "Perestroika". The former meaning tranparency and the latter restructuring. Together these would form the foundation of a new Russian politico-economical system. Growing up as a teenager during the Cold War I was exposed to a very different USSR, a country of no shades only absence of colour known as black. Yet, in this colourful account, we see a proud, hard working peoples no different from ourselves. They feel, think and most of all wish to be respected. The central theme of the book is that Lenin's political programme, socialism, was neverly adequately established in the USSR being mired in bureacracy, inefficiencies, and pessimism. These obstructions need to be removed with glasnost and perestroika as starting points. The former leader of the USSR then muses how this could set an example for the world leading to appropriate distribution of resources rather than concentration in a few hands, the latter being responsible for many a revolution and civil strife.
The most striking aspect of the book is how the soviet perspective of world events differed markedly from that broadcast by western media.
The most striking aspect of the book is how the soviet perspective of world events differed markedly from that broadcast by western media.
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