Review Essay
Becker, H.S. (1963) `Outsiders'
By:S Davies
Thursday, November 18, 2010
Howard S. Becker is an American sociologist who for many years lived and worked in Chicago. His book, `Outsiders', is one of his most famous pieces of work, which set the foundations for his Labeling Theory. The following review will attempt to critically evaluate the ideas and themes contained within the book, paying particular attention to its validity in modern day society.
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In his first chapter, Becker attempts to define deviance as someone who strays from the rules of a group. Becker explains that in order for deviance to exist, the behaviour has to be first observed and then judged to be deviant. Once the label `deviant' has been applied, that individual is then regarded as someone that "cannot be trusted to live by the rules" and the `offender' is perceived as an `outsider' as a consequence (p.1). It is the precise nature of definition, rather than the "quality of an act", that Becker attempts to explore, and the very nature of the relationship between social structures and individual behaviour and identity in which Becker is interested, which is discussed further on.
In chapter two, Becker looks at models of deviance, but concentrates on two models in particular that can help to explain the etiopathogenesis of deviant behaviour: the simultaneous and sequential models. The former argues that particular behaviours occur as a result of a number of variables arising at the same time; whilst the latter argues that particular behaviours are caused by sequence of occurrences. Using juvenile delinquency as an example, Becker argues that a broken home or the juvenile's environmental influences, will not always instantly lead to juvenile delinquency; rather it would be one of a series of sequential events or circumstances.
To illustrate the sequential model, chapters three and four show how an individual learns techniques and gains experiences from peers within a group, which aids in the formation of individual identity. In the case of marihuana users, this may include joining a social group in which the drug is available, learning their techniques and ways, conforming to the group's ways, and then moving from `normal' to deviant as a result.
Chapters five and six concern themselves with `The Culture of a Deviant Group: The Dance Musician', and are the most bizarre chapters contained within the book. The reasons for this will be discussed shortly. Becker, rather than concentrate on the root causes of and types of bad behaviour, focuses on how the dance musician's career might be affected if that career group were not normal. Members of the musician's demographic go from being `normal' family men to dance musicians, adapting to the needs of that sub-culture as they do so. For example, a musician may feel coerced into playing `commercial' music to meet perceived demand, although this may not be what the musician necessarily wants to produce. Musicians are constantly adapting to the needs of their sub-culture, even if this means compromising the quality of their music. The consequence of this is said to lose the respect of fellow musicians.
In chapter seven, Becker returns to themes visited in the first chapter, but this time in more detail, and delves into how rules are made and enforced, with particular focus on the characteristics of those that create and enforce them. He argues that before any label can be applied, the harmful object has to be observed first; this is because rules are not made by divine nature. For this to occur, the object must first be observed and then shown to the group, where the consensus is that something ought to be done. The `moral entrepreneur' is, collectively, those who observe, judge and publicise the object as harmful. Those who take the initiative, moral enterprise, are those who attempt to create the rule by rallying the support of vested interest groups and/or the media. Deviance therefore, is the `product of enterprise' (p.162). Enforcement works by the same principle of moral enterprise, in that the initiative must be taken to identify rule-breakers and to seek punishment of them. Nevertheless, some rules are not enforced. When this occurs, Becker argues that a conflict of interest exists in the entrepreneur, between what they feel they may gain by either refraining from or enforcing the rule; if non-enforcement is of greater benefit then the rule-breaking will be tolerated and permitted to continue.
The final chapter looks at problems and sympathies within the study of deviance, where Becker describes a lack of substance in the theories that exist, believing them to be faulty or inadequate. He believes that not enough is known about deviant groups such as homosexuals, and gaps exist not just with homosexuals but with other deviant groups. He also describes how access to information and to the groups that are the focus for study is restricted, because those classed as outsiders in turn reciprocate that label to the rest of society; this forms part of an element of protection on the deviant's part. Questions are posed, such as `how do researchers find doctors who are drug-addicts themselves, or even homosexuals of certain kinds? Becker even asks what stand-point the researcher will take, due to the many levels of individual characteristics in any social group; essentially, how will a researcher remove any other factors that may influence his study beyond that which he intends to manipulate.
A recurring theme that the reader picks up on throughout the work is the notion that one's behaviour is deterministic, and this idea is particularly prevalent in chapters two and three. Paul Rock (2007) argues that while each step may shape the experiences and `moral character' of a deviant, they are not unavoidable or irrevocable (p.29). Becker seems to argue that behavioural traits are pre-determined, therefore not acknowledging that individuals can alter their path. In doing so, Becker ignores the principles of Rational Choice Theory, which stipulates that individuals are rational actors that weigh out the cost/benefits of any action that they may take prior to taking it.
The reader may have to read chapters five and six at least twice, possibly three times, in order to fully understand the point Becker makes, because it is difficult to spot what about dance musicians is so deviant. Indeed, this was one of the most bizarre chapters to read. Although their culture may be different to that of an ordinary job, what they do is no different to the goings on of today's music industry. The saying `it's not what you know, it's who you know' carries the same weight today as it did then. Becker describes the processes through which dance musicians find work as being somewhat deviant. That said, the reader cannot help feeling that Becker has contradicted himself in talking about losing the respect of other dance musicians: how can respect be lost if all dance musicians act in the same manner?
The chosen methodology for Becker's participant observation study is not without issue either. First, the reader questions whether Becker is too involved: Becker (a musician himself) played the piano within the subject group. It is here that the reader begins to question the validity of the study; not only did he conduct very few formal interviews, but he relied heavily on field notes and conversations that he was partial to or simply over-heard. Becker's own experiences as a dance musician, performing in taverns and clubs, is an experience shared among fellow players, but the chapter comes across to the reader as personal to Becker as though it were about him, prompting the reader to question whether the data collected is of a biased nature - that is, can the results be relied upon as a valid source of information, and can any conclusion drawn be generalised to other, much larger dance musician groups or other genres of music, within a much wider social setting. Another point any reader should consider is that music is ever changing (from Big Band to Rock and Roll to alternative pop etc) and was evolving massively when Becker carried out his study in 1948'49. For music to evolve, artists had to produce music that they wanted. They were the revolutionaries of their time for trying something new, and those that survived did so because audiences liked these new styles. Most importantly, his work was not published for over a decade, which begs the question, `would his results have validity if applied to modern day music groups'?
Throughout the work, the reader is reminded of the era it was written; America in the 1960s. The use of the term `Negros' to describe Black American minority groups, and placing homosexuality in the same deviant category as behaviours like gambling and drug-taking, is a reminder that while on one hand the theories and ideas may be relevant to our modern society, many of the ideals upon which the book was written appear to be out-dated, and this in itself warrants the need for a modern review of the ideas formulated. This need is especially prevalent in chapters five and six. Unfortunately, Becker's work is no more adequate than the next theory, because his hypothesis is untested and it would be very hard to prove in real life settings. The only real tool that social scientists have is the foundations of a logical argument, and another perspective, on the study of deviance. What Outsiders can offer the reader and society, is the complications that arise from labelling people deviant, especially when one considers ideas such as self-fulfilling prophecy and stereotyping; the `if the cap fits' mentality. Labelling Theory also has the advantage of being tested, to an extent.
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