David Faber: Munich
The Munich agreement of 1938 is generally regarded as the nadir of British foreign policy. More than seventy years on, its memory still exerts a giant emotional influence over British politics. Munich and appeasement (the policy which produced it) have become permanent terms of abuse.
The central narrative of Munich is simple: its motivation is still in dispute. The British Prime Minister, Neville Chamberlain, attempted to purchase peace with Hitler at the expense of Czechoslovakia, a small, democratic state in alliance with Britain's main ally, France. He pursued this policy with increasing desperation but two personal meetings with Hitler failed to produce a settlement and it seemed certain that Britain and France would go to war in September 1938. With last-minute melodrama (carefully manipulated by Chamberlain to influence Parliamentary and public opinion) the Munich conference averted war by dismembering Czechoslovakia, which was not even invited. Chamberlain's only resistance to Hitler's demands came over the loss of Czech farmers' cows, and even this was soon abandoned. Chamberlain then privately secured Hitler's signature (for all the world like an autograph hunter seeking out a movie star) to a meaningless declaration - hyped up for British voters as "peace in our time."
Some defenders of Chamberlain suggest that his policy was chosen from reluctant necessity. Britain was desperately weak in 1938: Munich bought a year of precious time for rearmament.
David Faber suggests otherwise. His lucid and compelling narrative Munich uses a wealth of British sources to show that Chamberlain believed totally in his policy - and in himself. In the run-up to the Iraq war, Tony Blair used the name of Neville Chamberlain to attack his critics. In fact, Blair's conduct of policy on Iraq presented many echoes of Chamberlain were intensely self-righteous, both men preferred cronies to experts, both men used spin doctors to plant propaganda on friendly journalists and put pressure on unfriendly ones, both men bypassed their Cabinets - pointlessly, since these Cabinets displayed little independence. By coincidence, each man suffered one resignation.
Munich still has the power to excite passion. David Faber's family history is closely linked with Munich: his grandfather Harold Macmillan and his great-uncle (by marriage) Leopold Amery were among the rare Conservative politicians who resisted Chamberlain's policy. He might have been tempted into refighting their battles. Instead, he lets the facts speak for themselves and the effect is to make Chamberlain seem far more dislikeable, and his policy far more misguided and disastrous.
David Faber only hints at the scale of that disaster and it is a pity that he denies himself any speculation about the alternative scenario for 1938. The British Prime Minister resists Hitler's demands and makes clear that he will stand by France over Czechoslovakia. Hitler is faced with the prospect of war with them and with Russia. Does he back down and endure humiliation? Does he fight? Does he get overthrown by conspirators? Whatever happens, it looks a better prospect than confronting Hitler in September 1939 - after losing the Czech army and its huge arsenal and armaments factories and turning Russia into an unfriendly neutral.
Munich is essential reading not just for students of the 1930s but as a case study in what can happen to the British state when it falls into the hands of an all-powerful Prime Minister with a deluded policy.