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Moralities: Sex, Money and Power in the 21st Century [Hardcover]

Joan Smith
4.0 out of 5 stars  See all reviews (1 customer review)

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Book Description

21 May 2001
What has happened to ethics in the modern world? New scandals erupt every day, involving American presidents and adultery, soap stars and sex, politicians and sleaze. As religious observance declines in the West, have we lost our moral compass? Or has tabloid culture obscured the fact that a new morality is emerging - secular, international and democratic. MORALITIES argues that our traditional anxieties about sex and private life have been replaced by new concerns: torture, arms trading, the environment and the unequal distribution of wealth. The great struggle of the 21st century will be between global capital and universal rights and a passionate belief in justice and equality is already transforming the way we live.

Product details

  • Hardcover: 224 pages
  • Publisher: Allen Lane (21 May 2001)
  • Language: English
  • ISBN-10: 0713994096
  • ISBN-13: 978-0713994094
  • Product Dimensions: 21.6 x 14 x 2.5 cm
  • Average Customer Review: 4.0 out of 5 stars  See all reviews (1 customer review)
  • Amazon Bestsellers Rank: 1,702,930 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)

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Amazon Review

Columnist, novelist and critic Joan Smith's book Moralities: Sex, Money and Power in the 21st Century heralds the emergence of a new humanist morality. What we are in fact seeing, Smith argues, is "the ejection of Church and State from our private lives and the adoption instead of a secular code based on justice, equality and human rights". She argues that the change of focus from private to public morality suggested by the increasing tolerance in sexual matters has enabled us to concentrate on the more important political, economic and environmental issues that are the rightful concern of all; "The great battle of the 21st century will be between global capitalism and universal human rights". Smith is optimistic about these changes and believes that we have before us the opportunity to build a new kind of society, fully secular and opposed to all kinds of fundamentalism.

Smith is at her best when detailing the destructive foreign policies of Britain and the US--be it the overthrow of the democratic government of Chile in 1973, turning a blind eye to the human rights abuses of repressive regimes, collaborating with tyrants or simply relating the brutal facts about torture, arms trading, the environment and the increasing divide between rich and poor. The critique of global capitalism--the exploitation of vulnerable labour forces and irreplaceable natural resources--is balanced by hope for the democratising potential of the communications revolution where increased access to information and the capacity to share it with people struggling against repressive regimes has, in places, revitalised leftist politics.

As a committed humanist Smith takes it as read that "belief in a supernatural deity is not necessary to lead a moral life" and she is surely right to say that "religious convictions are a very poor predictor of how well someone is likely to behave." Where the analysis takes a dubious turn however is in her agreement with Nietzsche, that "the Christian resolution to find the world ugly and bad has made the world ugly and bad." The "religion" that Smith invokes in this book is indistinguishable from an aggressive fundamentalism and usually allied to reactionary forces while secular humanist morality is allied to progressive forces. One of the questionable implications of this rhetorical strategy is that religion is to blame for the moral shortcomings of British and US governments while a secular morality is responsible for the better performance of Scandinavian countries in dealing with child poverty for example. Optimistic in tone, well written, broad-ranging and provocative on issues like sex, marriage and monogamy, Smith's analytical weaknesses are more than compensated for by generally sound social and political history. Thus, despite the limitations of the "religion-bad, humanism-good" framework (a framework which fundamentalists simply reverse), Moralities is a welcome attempt to nudge humanist undertakings and commitments to the fore. --Larry Brown

About the Author

Joan Smith is a columnist, novelist and critic. She is the author of the highly praised MISOGYNIES and five detective novels, two of which have been filmed by the BBC. She has written columns for the Independent On Sunday and the Guardian and her reviews appear in the Financial Times, Sunday Times and Independent. She is one of the presenters of What The Papers Say and a regular contributor to BBC radio. She lives in London.

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0 of 1 people found the following review helpful
4.0 out of 5 stars The Girl Who Never Grew Up 22 Jan 2010
By Neutral VINE™ VOICE
Format:Hardcover
Joan Smith is one of the Establishment's resident radicals, rolled out whenever the chattering classes want to sanctify their "open minded" credentials by reading her parade of prejudices on humanism, atheism, feminism or republicanism. Yet open mindedness has never been Smith's strong point and "Moralities: Sex Money and Power in the 21st Century", shows why. Smith claims she wants to separate "morality from private life, especially sexuality and (get) it to operate more effectively in the public sphere."

It's an interesting idea but one doomed to failure. Knowledge is power and power attracts. In politics, as in rock and roll, power attracts female groupies for whom being in the presence of powerful men appears to act as an aphrodisiac. Smith's own examples are so called celebrities and people in public life, notably Bill Clinton, although her broad brush approach seeks to stigmatise anyone and everyone who does not hold her own secular, humanist, views. She argues that the tabloids' obsession with sex and the regulation with private life is based on the eighteenth century Marriage Act "which forced unhappy spouses to suffer lifelong misery for an ideal of Christian marriage". This, she claims, allowed "powerful men to flout the standards they ruthlessly imposed on everyone else."

This simplistic misreading of history suits Smith's feminist and anti-Christian stance but fails to fit the facts. The 1753 Marriage Act was introduced as a means of clarifying who was legally married and arose after two women claimed the inheritance of a man to whom each believed they were married. It was something Jerry Hall overlooked when she married Mick Jagger and found it invalid and annulled in the High Court nine years later. Of course, Jagger is an example of crude reality of Smith's idea that marriage vows should be changed from "until death to us part" to "until I feel like a change". In broad terms females are more vulnerable to the latter approach. It's surprising that, at her age, Smith shows such a poor understanding of human behaviour.

Similarly in her reference to homosexuality and Section 28, Smith fails to understand the politics of social change. Section 28 was the outcome of the politics of provocation conducted by what was popularly known as "looney left" Councils. Thatcher's response was to abolish those in London. Section 28 was tagged on and, while widely publicised, did not prevent local authorities from adopting and implementing policies to address the concerns of gay or lesbian communities. Section 28 never resulted in a prosecution being lodged against any English Council and, by the time it was repealed, the Labour and Conservative Parties had moved towards the middle ground of social change. As ever, politics rules OK!.

Similarly, Smith's reading of history is selective and couched in discredited Marxist phraseology. One would have thought that after thirty-five years she could tell the difference between Fascism, Corporatism, Nazism and Military government. Apparently not. While stating her abhorrence of Pinochet's repressive regime in Chile, she overlooks the failure of the Allende regime which preceded it. Allende sought to marry two contradictory ideas, that of constitutional government with one of revolutionary change. Even the Soviet Union understood the incompatibility of these twin aims and was willing to back the Cubanisation of Chile with arms. It was the equivalent of the United States sending guns to Georgia.

By pursuing revolutionary change and over-riding the Constitution Allende provoked bitter opposition (including Chile's elected representatives) who charged him with undermining democracy and exercising powers not authorised by the Constitution. In a television interview shortly before his overthrow Allende spoke as an unconstrained Marxist who seemed to believe his own ideology. This does not excuse the brutalities of the Pinochet regime but if those who govern are to be held responsible for their actions, justice should be administered in the jurisdiction in which their crimes were committed.

Smith sees the battle of the twenty first century as being one between global capitalism and universal human rights. She suggests religion has in the past provided justification for U.S and British foreign polices. Her division of religion/bad, humanism/good is intellectually dishonest and patently self-serving. She conveniently forgets the Ba'ath Party is a secular party and that Saddam Hussein abolished Sharia Law in Iraq. Humanistic political correctness is as dangerous and as fundamentalist as any other dominant ideology. The continuing quest for Justice needs to be equally applied to all, not just those whom Smith dislikes.

If Peter Pan was the boy who never grew up Joan Smith could easily pass for his sister. I've given it four stars, not because I agree with her argument, but for its references to aspects of history of which I was unaware and its easy to read style.
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