I really enjoyed reading Money and Power. Sarah's ability to make the complex simple and to complicate the overly-simplified is a real treat.
I work with people studying international development at the graduate level. Every day, I am relieved to find among these students a large number of creative, curious, critical people who are open to questioning themselves, their motivations and abilities, and the nature and purpose of development. They are the best audience for political economist Sarah Bracking's Marxist structural analysis of `Development,' a comprehensive, incisive study of Development Finance Institutions (DFIs), a web of public-private entities that control the global flow of money in the form of investment, debt and aid (and how these terms are applied and defined) and serve, in Sarah's view, to `take away people's assets and livelihoods, impoverish them, and then stymie people's efforts, alongside development workers, to help themselves recover.' `Development' itself is part of the global mechanism that manage who is poor and who is rich, and `the global development "budget" is no more than a small palliative, a sophisticated public relations machine,' that maintains the fantastical `notion of benevolent... assistance.' She backs up these big claims with readable, thorough theory and analysis, and current case studies.
She maps how DFIs, the `Great Predators,' direct capital to the global elite and debts to the poorest in language accessible to us non-economists, explaining for example, what markets are, how they are made, and what purposes they serve, a talent consistent with her belief that `technical language... serves to hide and mystify more general relationships of social power, privilege, and status and critically obscures how the divide between the global haves and have nots is maintained....' I find her focus on the `actual institutions and agents that `do' the development' refreshing and non-ideological; she avoids dogmatic posturing. She explains how this web of DFIs function in order to understand a direction for our collective energy and creativity: the `democratic reform of the regulation of money and its institutional system of supply.' We must `"structurally adjust" the nature of markets in favour of the poor and excluded. Markets are managed, so how that is done both shapes social and economic outcomes, and can be the subject of change.'
Her claim that development (re)produces rather than reduces poverty may be a lot to stomach, especially for those who hope that development offers a home for their passion to make change. But in my experience, students are not buying the rhetoric of development, and are alert to the crumbling institutional `ability to sell the development project as a benevolent gift to the poor, while simultaneously pursuing the export of capital from the North and the reconstruction of North power and privilege.' When people enter the field of 'development' is the crucial moment to read Sarah's analysis, before their creativity and ethics are trained out of them by a dominant discourse and practice of inequality, before they confuse GDP with wellbeing. This is the moment to explore Sarah's question (and her response in this text) `how are resources owned, used and distributed, and how democratic is the procedure which makes these decisions?' And this is the audience to respond to her call for democratic change.