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Review
Ayesha Siddiqa's book covers a major gap in the literature on contemporary Pakistan. For many years journalists and other analysts, on the basis of anacdotal evidence, have remarked that Pakistan's military has a major interest in the economy. Military Inc. is the first serious attempt to provide some facts and figures to substantiate that claim. (Owen Bennett Jones, Asian Affairs, March 2008 )
This bold book explains why it will be so difficult to persuade the Pakistani military to renounce political power and return to the barracks. It is a must read for anyone who cares about Pakistan or its future. (Lee H. Hamilton, President and Director, Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars )
In examining the nature and consequences of the Pakistani military’s involvement in the economy, Dr. Siddiqa shows in great detail how the economic benefits that military officers can obtain when in or close to the seat of power stimulate them to solidify their political position in order to retain and expand those economic benefits. (Nicole Ball, Senior Fellow, Center for International Policy, Washington DC )
This book for the first time links two literatures: the comparative study of the role of the military in the politics and economics of states around the world, and the study of the role of the Pakistan army. ... As Dr. Siddiqa points out, this relationship raises profound questions about Pakistan’s future. ... A must-read. (Stephen P. Cohen, Senior Fellow, Foreign Policy Studies, Brookings, and author of "The Pakistan Army" and "The Idea of Pakistan" )
A vital piece of the complex puzzle as to why the Pakistan army have become so powerful. Complex, riveting, absorbing, Siddiqa has written a vitally important book which enhances our understanding of the army on the front line in the war on terror. ... Siddiqa provides us with the first understanding of the workings of one the most secretive armies in the world (Ahmed Rashid, Far Eastern Economic Review )
An incisive look at the largely hidden economic empire run by and for the benefit of Pakistan's military. This courageous book will not please Pakistan's generals. But no Pakistani, civilian or military, can afford to ignore its sobering analysis. (Robert M. Hathaway, Director, Asia Program, Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars )
This bold book explains why it will be so difficult to persuade the Pakistani military to renounce political power and return to the barracks. It is a must read for anyone who cares about Pakistan or its future. (Lee H. Hamilton, President and Director, Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars )
In examining the nature and consequences of the Pakistani military’s involvement in the economy, Dr. Siddiqa shows in great detail how the economic benefits that military officers can obtain when in or close to the seat of power stimulate them to solidify their political position in order to retain and expand those economic benefits. (Nicole Ball, Senior Fellow, Center for International Policy, Washington DC )
This book for the first time links two literatures: the comparative study of the role of the military in the politics and economics of states around the world, and the study of the role of the Pakistan army. ... As Dr. Siddiqa points out, this relationship raises profound questions about Pakistan’s future. ... A must-read. (Stephen P. Cohen, Senior Fellow, Foreign Policy Studies, Brookings, and author of "The Pakistan Army" and "The Idea of Pakistan" )
A vital piece of the complex puzzle as to why the Pakistan army have become so powerful. Complex, riveting, absorbing, Siddiqa has written a vitally important book which enhances our understanding of the army on the front line in the war on terror. ... Siddiqa provides us with the first understanding of the workings of one the most secretive armies in the world (Ahmed Rashid, Far Eastern Economic Review )
An incisive look at the largely hidden economic empire run by and for the benefit of Pakistan's military. This courageous book will not please Pakistan's generals. But no Pakistani, civilian or military, can afford to ignore its sobering analysis. (Robert M. Hathaway, Director, Asia Program, Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars )
Robert M. Hathaway, Director, Asia Program, Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars
"An incisive look at the largely hidden economic empire run by and
for the benefit of Pakistan's military." --This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.
for the benefit of Pakistan's military." --This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.
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Customer Reviews
Most Helpful Customer Reviews
8 of 9 people found the following review helpful
Format:Paperback
This is a scholarly work. Well researched, well structured and well edited. It is not, however, an easy read - although it repays the effort of pressing-on with many useful insights. For instance, I now better understand the cantonments and defence housing areas that I have seen in Pakistan.
Despite its catchy title the essence of the work is about "Milbus" which is a particular kind of military capital used for the personal benefit of the military fraternity - as well as an ugly term that reaches into the titles of 6 of the 10 chapters.
The definitions of the 6 types of civil-military typologies are useful. The book is then effectively a case-study for the parent-guardian military type. This is equally applicable to Turkey and Indonesia from which other examples are (briefly) drawn.
There is an underlying impression that the situation is considered wrong but any conclusions are ambiguous. Rightly so. As we know from personal experience, security is a function of one's neighbours and Pakistan is not best placed. A strong military might be appropriate for the time. Even if it was judged time to end it then it is clear that an alternative cannot be wished-in at once. Again, experience would suggest that even if the desired end-game was known it would take 30 - 40 years to achieve (pace Cold War and Northern Ireland).
If Milbus is viewed as a form of public ownership it is not surprising that it is concluded that some of the military-commercial activities are inefficient and in some cases dubious (let us not mention democratic Enron or Parmalat).
The book is strong in the period 1947 to the present, especially the last 8 years. I did feel it could have been better set in the context of the British past. Many of the behaviours described are local versions of a continuation of Empire rule. It is amusing (for want of a better word) that the 4 main military commercial ventures were established under the Charitable Endowments Act 1890 and the Societies Registration Act of 1860.
What is drawn out (only) in the final paragraph is an assertion that the parent-guardian military types systematically use religion to further their control over society, thereby strengthening the religious right. It is suggested as an area for further research. I'd like to read the results of that one, especially if contrasted with the military-industrial complex of the democratic US. Maybe the same author could oblige?
Despite its catchy title the essence of the work is about "Milbus" which is a particular kind of military capital used for the personal benefit of the military fraternity - as well as an ugly term that reaches into the titles of 6 of the 10 chapters.
The definitions of the 6 types of civil-military typologies are useful. The book is then effectively a case-study for the parent-guardian military type. This is equally applicable to Turkey and Indonesia from which other examples are (briefly) drawn.
There is an underlying impression that the situation is considered wrong but any conclusions are ambiguous. Rightly so. As we know from personal experience, security is a function of one's neighbours and Pakistan is not best placed. A strong military might be appropriate for the time. Even if it was judged time to end it then it is clear that an alternative cannot be wished-in at once. Again, experience would suggest that even if the desired end-game was known it would take 30 - 40 years to achieve (pace Cold War and Northern Ireland).
If Milbus is viewed as a form of public ownership it is not surprising that it is concluded that some of the military-commercial activities are inefficient and in some cases dubious (let us not mention democratic Enron or Parmalat).
The book is strong in the period 1947 to the present, especially the last 8 years. I did feel it could have been better set in the context of the British past. Many of the behaviours described are local versions of a continuation of Empire rule. It is amusing (for want of a better word) that the 4 main military commercial ventures were established under the Charitable Endowments Act 1890 and the Societies Registration Act of 1860.
What is drawn out (only) in the final paragraph is an assertion that the parent-guardian military types systematically use religion to further their control over society, thereby strengthening the religious right. It is suggested as an area for further research. I'd like to read the results of that one, especially if contrasted with the military-industrial complex of the democratic US. Maybe the same author could oblige?
6 of 7 people found the following review helpful
Format:Paperback
This book receives full marks for the research behind it which I am sure would not have been very easy for reasons the author highlights in the book. The book is a must read for anyone interested in Pakistan and its politics. The data and facts presented here are interesting, informative and well balanced.
The area where the book loses out is the style of writing. The book takes an academic rather than a non-fictional approach and therefore like all academic works it tends to become a bit tedious at times. The author's style of writing is good but not in the same league as her contemporary Pakistani non-fiction writers, Ahmed Rashid and Tariq Ali who are absolutely brilliant.
There were two areas I noticed where the book fell down. On page 147, the book draws an analogy between the Pakistan Army's exploitation of land with that of the Europeans in the Congo in 1890. This was most unfortunate because what was taking place in the Congo in 1890 was genocide, a genocide which in its final toll claimed more lives than the Judeocide of world war II. To gain a better understanding of this, I would refer the author to the 1998 Duff Cooper prize winner King Leopold's Ghost. In any case I thought that this was extremely unfair on the Pakistan Army as even the author in her book accuses them of only financial opportunism and not mass murder.
The other point where the book fell was in the closing paragraphs where the author accuses the militaries of Pakistan, Indonesia and Turkey of strengthening the religious right to assert their control over society. This maybe true of Pakistan and Indonesia but anyone who has followed the press regarding Turkey in the summer of 2007 would notice that the Turkish Military is probably the most hostile to religon in the free world. A hostility that would have given the armies of the old communist bloc a run for their money on any day of the week.
The area where the book loses out is the style of writing. The book takes an academic rather than a non-fictional approach and therefore like all academic works it tends to become a bit tedious at times. The author's style of writing is good but not in the same league as her contemporary Pakistani non-fiction writers, Ahmed Rashid and Tariq Ali who are absolutely brilliant.
There were two areas I noticed where the book fell down. On page 147, the book draws an analogy between the Pakistan Army's exploitation of land with that of the Europeans in the Congo in 1890. This was most unfortunate because what was taking place in the Congo in 1890 was genocide, a genocide which in its final toll claimed more lives than the Judeocide of world war II. To gain a better understanding of this, I would refer the author to the 1998 Duff Cooper prize winner King Leopold's Ghost. In any case I thought that this was extremely unfair on the Pakistan Army as even the author in her book accuses them of only financial opportunism and not mass murder.
The other point where the book fell was in the closing paragraphs where the author accuses the militaries of Pakistan, Indonesia and Turkey of strengthening the religious right to assert their control over society. This maybe true of Pakistan and Indonesia but anyone who has followed the press regarding Turkey in the summer of 2007 would notice that the Turkish Military is probably the most hostile to religon in the free world. A hostility that would have given the armies of the old communist bloc a run for their money on any day of the week.
Most Helpful Customer Reviews on Amazon.com (beta)
Amazon.com:
10 reviews
30 of 31 people found the following review helpful
Daring but substantive
20 Jun 2007
Format:Paperback
Writing about the military in Pakistan can be risky business and the author of this book has shown tremendous courage in publishing this important work. However, the merit of this book is not because it is daring but rather because of the intellectual rigor and empirical detail provided. Unlike anti-establishment provocateurs who can often claim courage of conviction but not much else, Dr. Siddiqa has provided us with a well-substantiated account of financial hegemony in the military that deserves applause. While recognizing the vital importance of the military itself, the book unravels how essential security can be easily manipulated to accumulate wealth for a powerful elite.
The author starts with a structural premise that defines the phenomenon of "milbus" as "military capital used for the personal benefit of the military fraternity, especially the officer cadre, which is not recorded as part of the defence budget." She then goes on to situate this concept within the larger literature on the military industrial complex. Her lucid prose is also augmented by clear, tables, organizational charts, graphs and Venn diagrams. Her findings are staggering: for example, the amount of land owned by military officers through subsidized schemes amounts to $4.6 billion. The military pensions being offered are five times the amount for civilian officers. The role of the Fauji Foundation and other military organizations in running commercial enterprises that range from cereal manufacturing to running schools is astounding.
The usual argument given by proponents of milbus is that the military is the most disciplined organization and can do everything more efficiently. Yet, this logic is defied by most of the world's leading economic powers where development has occurred through private enterprise by educated and responsible citizens. Perhaps the author could have spent more time in evaluating these arguments. Nevertheless, given the range and scope of the matter at hand, Dr. Siddiqa has done a marvelous job with this manuscript. One can only hope the military will not feel threatened by this constructive criticism and use the the book as a means for initiating reform.
The author starts with a structural premise that defines the phenomenon of "milbus" as "military capital used for the personal benefit of the military fraternity, especially the officer cadre, which is not recorded as part of the defence budget." She then goes on to situate this concept within the larger literature on the military industrial complex. Her lucid prose is also augmented by clear, tables, organizational charts, graphs and Venn diagrams. Her findings are staggering: for example, the amount of land owned by military officers through subsidized schemes amounts to $4.6 billion. The military pensions being offered are five times the amount for civilian officers. The role of the Fauji Foundation and other military organizations in running commercial enterprises that range from cereal manufacturing to running schools is astounding.
The usual argument given by proponents of milbus is that the military is the most disciplined organization and can do everything more efficiently. Yet, this logic is defied by most of the world's leading economic powers where development has occurred through private enterprise by educated and responsible citizens. Perhaps the author could have spent more time in evaluating these arguments. Nevertheless, given the range and scope of the matter at hand, Dr. Siddiqa has done a marvelous job with this manuscript. One can only hope the military will not feel threatened by this constructive criticism and use the the book as a means for initiating reform.
18 of 20 people found the following review helpful
Military Business Exposed
28 May 2007
Format:Paperback
The book is not only first of its kind on the secrets of Military Economics in Pakistan, it also contains the lessons a nation should learn on the limits of military engagements in civil insitutions.
Well written, and a brave effort.
5 stars
Well written, and a brave effort.
5 stars
15 of 18 people found the following review helpful
Excellent Effort
1 Jun 2007
Format:Paperback
Hinderance in releasing this book in Pakistan is a clear indication of the authenticity of this book. Lessons to be learned.
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