When the US led the invasion of Iraq in March 2003, it expected to be able to establish a prosperous liberal democracy with an open economy that would serve as a key ally in the region. It sought to engage Iraqi society in ways that would defeat any challenge to that state-building project and US guidance of it. Herring and Rangwala argue that state building in Iraq has been crippled less by pre-existing weaknesses in the Iraqi state, Iraqi sectarian divisions or US policy mistakes than by the fact that the US has attempted - with only limited success - to control the parameters and outcome of that process. They explain that the very nature of US state building in Iraq has created incentives for unregulated local power struggles and patron-client relations. Corruption, smuggling and violence have resulted. The main legacy of the US-led occupation, the authors contend, is that Iraq has become a fragmented state - that is, one in which actors dispute where overall political authority lies and in which there are no agreed procedures for resolving such disputes. As long as this is the case, the authority of the state will remain limited. Technocratic mechanisms such as training schemes for officials, political fixes such as elections and the coercive tools of repression will not be able to overcome this situation. Placing the occupation within the context of regional, global and US politics, Herring and Rangwala demonstrate how the politics of co-option, coercion and economic change have transformed the lives and allegiances of the Iraqi population. As uncertainty about the future of Iraq persists, this volume provides a much-needed analysis of the deeper forces which give meaning to the daily events in Iraq.
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'This is a first-rate study of the consequences for Iraq of the US-led invasion and occupation of the country and of the kind of politics that has developed there. The authors use state-building theory and the insights of international political economy to throw light on the processes which have been set in motion and which are going to shape Iraqi politics for years to come. At the same time, their narrative is a lively one, packed with detail and informed by a real understanding of the fears and ambitions of many of the Iraqi political actors. This complex story of idealism, greed and violence, woven through social formations and the pale institutions of the emerging Iraqi state, produces a compelling account -- the clearest yet available of the "new Iraq".' --Dr Charles Tripp, SOAS, author of A History of Iraq 'Iraq in Fragments stands out as an admirably sober and powerful analysis of one of the most complicated and emotionally charged issues in today's world politics. With its lucid account, impressive research, and extensive documentation, the book is challenging and compelling. It should be a must-read for all Iraq specialists, foreign policy experts, and policy- and opinion-makers. Students of international relations, as well as general readers, will also benefit greatly from this up-to-date work.' --Professor Tareq Y. Ismael, University of Calgary.
From the Inside Flap
"A first-rate study of the consequences for Iraq of the US-led
invasion and occupation of the country and of the kind of politics which
has developed there. ... Herring and Rangwala's narrative is a lively one,
packed with detail and informed by a real understanding of the fears and
ambitions of many of the Iraqi political actors. This complex story of
idealism, greed and violence, woven through social formations and the pale
institutions of the emerging Iraqi state, produces a compelling account --
the clearest yet available of the 'new Iraq'."
(Dr Charles Tripp, SOAS, author, A History of Iraq)
invasion and occupation of the country and of the kind of politics which
has developed there. ... Herring and Rangwala's narrative is a lively one,
packed with detail and informed by a real understanding of the fears and
ambitions of many of the Iraqi political actors. This complex story of
idealism, greed and violence, woven through social formations and the pale
institutions of the emerging Iraqi state, produces a compelling account --
the clearest yet available of the 'new Iraq'."
(Dr Charles Tripp, SOAS, author, A History of Iraq)
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3 of 4 people found the following review helpful
4.0 out of 5 stars
Useful study of the dire effects of the invasion and occupation of Iraq
29 Jan 2007
Format:Hardcover
This useful book describes the effects of the US-British occupation of Iraq. Iraq's economy and society are in ruins. The authors write, "The informal economy, corruption in government ministries, lax controls over contractors, preferential treatment for US-based transnationals, the insurgency, compensation and debt are combining in crippling fashion."
The occupation has promoted sectarian strife. The US has been "playing off the centre against the periphery, playing off political parties against tribes and other embedded leaders ... the outcome has been a lack of a truly national, integrative political process which subordinates the local." In sum, "The fragmentary nature of the Iraqi state, partial as a mechanism of order and weak as a service provider, has been instrumental in the alignment of populations with groups rooted in principles specific to a sect."
The occupation relies on coercion not consent. "In circumstances in which a sizeable portion of the population rejects a form of rule, military doctrine provides a strong predisposition for US personnel to respond to the expression of popular grievances, peaceful dissent and armed opposition with repressive measures. The US and Britain have a long history of engaging in counter-insurgency for repressive purposes, either directly or in conjunction with military, paramilitary and militia forces in other states. Central aspects of the conduct of the US and those it has backed in Iraq - such as imprisonment without due process, disappearances, torture, impunity and indiscriminate use of force - are characteristic of the coercive counter-insurgency it has been involved with in places such as Vietnam, Central America, Colombia and Afghanistan."
The US claims that its forces are fighting foreigners, but its own Arabic website in July 2004 listed 10,000 detainees; 9,900 were Iraqi. Further, "Despite the many allegations that have been made about the role of the Iranian and Syrian Governments in supporting the insurgents, the evidence of either government's involvement in creating and sustaining the insurgency does not exist."
The authors note, "The armed conflict in Iraq from 2003 onwards has been primarily one in which the US has attempted to bring Iraq under the rule of a central government and the insurgents have concentrated their attacks on Coalition personnel. Although inter-sectarian violence has grown considerably in Iraq since 2005, this has remained on a smaller scale than violence between the Coalition and insurgents. Hence representations of the armed conflict as being primarily a civil war are - thus far - misleading." 80% of all attacks are still on the Coalition forces.
The authors conclude, "It is not a benign imperialism ... [because it is] running counter to expressed Iraqi preferences and concentrated on serving the interests of foreign actors."
The occupation has promoted sectarian strife. The US has been "playing off the centre against the periphery, playing off political parties against tribes and other embedded leaders ... the outcome has been a lack of a truly national, integrative political process which subordinates the local." In sum, "The fragmentary nature of the Iraqi state, partial as a mechanism of order and weak as a service provider, has been instrumental in the alignment of populations with groups rooted in principles specific to a sect."
The occupation relies on coercion not consent. "In circumstances in which a sizeable portion of the population rejects a form of rule, military doctrine provides a strong predisposition for US personnel to respond to the expression of popular grievances, peaceful dissent and armed opposition with repressive measures. The US and Britain have a long history of engaging in counter-insurgency for repressive purposes, either directly or in conjunction with military, paramilitary and militia forces in other states. Central aspects of the conduct of the US and those it has backed in Iraq - such as imprisonment without due process, disappearances, torture, impunity and indiscriminate use of force - are characteristic of the coercive counter-insurgency it has been involved with in places such as Vietnam, Central America, Colombia and Afghanistan."
The US claims that its forces are fighting foreigners, but its own Arabic website in July 2004 listed 10,000 detainees; 9,900 were Iraqi. Further, "Despite the many allegations that have been made about the role of the Iranian and Syrian Governments in supporting the insurgents, the evidence of either government's involvement in creating and sustaining the insurgency does not exist."
The authors note, "The armed conflict in Iraq from 2003 onwards has been primarily one in which the US has attempted to bring Iraq under the rule of a central government and the insurgents have concentrated their attacks on Coalition personnel. Although inter-sectarian violence has grown considerably in Iraq since 2005, this has remained on a smaller scale than violence between the Coalition and insurgents. Hence representations of the armed conflict as being primarily a civil war are - thus far - misleading." 80% of all attacks are still on the Coalition forces.
The authors conclude, "It is not a benign imperialism ... [because it is] running counter to expressed Iraqi preferences and concentrated on serving the interests of foreign actors."
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