- Paperback: 28 pages
- Publisher: Institute of Economic Affairs; New ed of 1949 ed edition (19 Oct 1998)
- Language English
- ISBN-10: 0255364504
- ISBN-13: 978-0255364508
- Product Dimensions: 20.2 x 14.4 x 0.8 cm
- Average Customer Review: 5.0 out of 5 stars See all reviews (1 customer review)
- Amazon Bestsellers Rank: 1,342,187 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
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Product Description
The Economist, 13.03.99
To Hayek there was an affinity between the preachiness of intellectuals and the bossiness of socialism ... conservatives should respond by developing liberal radicalism into a popular philosophy of their own.
Book Description
Hayek's challenge to the young to 'make the building of a free society once more an intellectual adventure' remains as relevant today as when it was first published in 1949.
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Customer Reviews
Most Helpful Customer Reviews
36 of 38 people found the following review helpful
Format:Paperback
Hayek famously declared that his 'Road to Serfdom' was dedicated to socialists of all parties as he warned against the dangers of totalitarian rule for liberal(I use the word advisedly) democracies.
This pamphlet is a reprint of an 1949 essay of Hayek wherein he pursued the dictum of Keynes' contained with the 'General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money' about the influence of ideas.
In the essay Hayek questions the view that intellectuals are original thinkers. For him, original thinkers are few and far between but their ideas and views are percolated through society by the intellectuals. Those 'second-hand dealers in ideas' as Hayek referred to them are not necessarily the greatest scholars or the most brilliant minds but are adept at taking ideas and regurgitating them as teachers or journalists or through some other profession such that they pass through to the general public. Hayek contends that intelligent people consider intelligence to be more important than it is and in the world of men and thus tends to be more socialist orientated as those people view the market with disdain. He recognises that the market is a fundamental part of establishing value through individuals participating in a trial and error system of exchange which the intelligensia overlook but which directly affects them anyway. For Hayek, the battle of ideas was to be won, not by the original thinkers, but by the spread of classical liberal ideas by the class of intellectuals who could be convinced of the power of new, or perhaps not so new, ideas.
As Edwin Feulner, one of the editors, remarks, this article was a clarion call to those who espoused a classical liberal standpoint. Following on from this was the establishment of the free market think-tank, the Institute of Economic Affairs and other such institutions around the world. The story goes on to celebrate to some degree at least the success in bringing classical liberal ideas to the fore in many countries around the world and the success of some of those ideas.
So far, sort of, so good. A word of warning should be sounded. Whereas I agree with the aims of the paper I am circumspect about the current situation. To me there is more to classical liberal ideas than just a free economy. It does appear from my point of view that the battle of ideas is being won by neo-conservatives and authoritarians of all parties rather than by liberals. Others may disagree but the lesson I have taken from reading this marvellous little book again is that all who rally to the flag of Classical Liberalism need be extra vigilant in these uncertain times against the further development of neo-conservative and authoritarian ideas because they threaten not only the gains that have been made in the last fifty years but also many of the liberties we all cherish in our western democracies.
Liberals of the world, Unite!
Most Helpful Customer Reviews on Amazon.com (beta)
Amazon.com:
3 reviews
11 of 11 people found the following review helpful
Dedicated to the Socialists in ALL parties!
29 April 2003
Format:Paperback
It seems an opportune moment, with the United States poised to declare victory in the Second Gulf War, to review this little classic.
Hayek famously declared that his 'Road to Serfdom' was dedicated to socialists of all parties as he warned against the dangers of totalitarian rule for liberal(I use the word advisedly) democracies.
This pamphlet is a reprint of an 1949 essay of Hayek wherein he pursued the dictum of Keynes' contained with the 'General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money' about the influence of ideas.
In the essay Hayek questions the view that intellectuals are original thinkers. For him, original thinkers are few and far between but their ideas and views are percolated through society by the intellectuals. Those 'second-hand dealers in ideas' as Hayek referred to them are not necessarily the greatest scholars or the most brilliant minds but are adept at taking ideas and regurgitating them as teachers or journalists or through some other profession such that they pass through to the general public. Hayek contends that intelligent people consider intelligence to be more important than it is and in the world of men and thus tends to be more socialist orientated as those people view the market with disdain. He recognises that the market is a fundamental part of establishing value through individuals participating in a trial and error system of exchange which the intelligensia overlook but which directly affects them anyway. For Hayek, the battle of ideas was to be won, not by the original thinkers, but by the spread of classical liberal ideas by the class of intellectuals who could be convinced of the power of new, or perhaps not so new, ideas.
As Edwin Feulner, one of the editors, remarks, this article was a clarion call to those who espoused a classical liberal standpoint. Following on from this was the establishment of the free market think-tank, the Institute of Economic Affairs and other such institutions around the world. The story goes on to celebrate to some degree at least the success in bringing classical liberal ideas to the fore in many countries around the world and the success of some of those ideas.
So far, sort of, so good. A word of warning should be sounded. Whereas I agree with the aims of the paper I am circumspect about the current situation. To me there is more to classical liberal ideas than just a free economy. It does appear from my point of view that the battle of ideas is being won by neo-conservatives and authoritarians of all parties rather than by liberals. Others may disagree but the lesson I have taken from reading this marvellous little book again is that all who rally to the flag of Classical Liberalism need be extra vigilant in these uncertain times against the further development of neo-conservative and authoritarian ideas because they threaten not only the gains that have been made in the last fifty years but also many of the liberties we all cherish in our western democracies.
Liberals of the world, Unite!
2 of 2 people found the following review helpful
They Never Give Up, And Here Is Why
14 Feb 2010
Format:Paperback
Intellectuals pointing us towards socialism, and doing everything they can to pave the way, are hardly a new occurrence. Indeed, they never seem to go away and do not allow the utter failure of their ideas to dissuade them in the least. In this brief account, Hayek proposes a few thoughts as to why intellectuals seem so smitten with socialism.
As Hayek notes, socialism has never been a working class movement. In every country that has moved towards socialism, its ideas have been adopted by the intellectuals decades before it came into political reality. The Left tries to gain the support of this elite, while the Right, taking a "more naïve" view, tries to reach individual voters.
Intellectuals are those who, through habit or profession, come into new ideas sooner than the people whom they address. By this view, intellectuals are not original thinkers, which is not much of a surprise to anyone who has debated them. Rather, they are traders in ideas. Often experts in one field, their prestige in that field makes them respected when espousing ideas outside their expertise. This is what distinguishes intellectuals from experts.
Hayek makes several interesting points. Those of a socialist bent, disaffected with society in its current state, may not be attracted to options outside the intellectual sphere. Becoming, say, an academic may provide the best route for him to influence society to move in the direction that comports with his views, allowing for wholesale rather than piecemeal change to society.
Further, the intellectual is not interested in technical details, but in broad visions. As traditional (classical) liberalism has not provided large, overarching visions for some decades, intellectuals interested in such grand-scheme ideas have only socialism to which to turn. Therefore, the situation is not one of a battle of conflicting ideas, but one in which the existing order is contrasted with a more utopian ideal to be realized. In a society in which the main structures of freedom have been won, continuation involves details. The glamour of innovative thinking is, therefore, left to those who would alter the foundation itself.
Hayek's description of a "climate of opinion," involving very general preconceptions which provide the context through which new ideas and views are filtered, as well as the role of science in furthering such trends, are both illuminating. THE INTELLECTUALS AND SOCIALISM provides a kind of blueprint for understanding the relationship between the two. Although the particulars might have changed since its first publication, it is still quite relevant today. Perhaps, given the absence of large, strictly socialist societies after the collapse of Soviet communism to provide us with concrete examples of socialism's consequences, even more so.
As Hayek notes, socialism has never been a working class movement. In every country that has moved towards socialism, its ideas have been adopted by the intellectuals decades before it came into political reality. The Left tries to gain the support of this elite, while the Right, taking a "more naïve" view, tries to reach individual voters.
Intellectuals are those who, through habit or profession, come into new ideas sooner than the people whom they address. By this view, intellectuals are not original thinkers, which is not much of a surprise to anyone who has debated them. Rather, they are traders in ideas. Often experts in one field, their prestige in that field makes them respected when espousing ideas outside their expertise. This is what distinguishes intellectuals from experts.
Hayek makes several interesting points. Those of a socialist bent, disaffected with society in its current state, may not be attracted to options outside the intellectual sphere. Becoming, say, an academic may provide the best route for him to influence society to move in the direction that comports with his views, allowing for wholesale rather than piecemeal change to society.
Further, the intellectual is not interested in technical details, but in broad visions. As traditional (classical) liberalism has not provided large, overarching visions for some decades, intellectuals interested in such grand-scheme ideas have only socialism to which to turn. Therefore, the situation is not one of a battle of conflicting ideas, but one in which the existing order is contrasted with a more utopian ideal to be realized. In a society in which the main structures of freedom have been won, continuation involves details. The glamour of innovative thinking is, therefore, left to those who would alter the foundation itself.
Hayek's description of a "climate of opinion," involving very general preconceptions which provide the context through which new ideas and views are filtered, as well as the role of science in furthering such trends, are both illuminating. THE INTELLECTUALS AND SOCIALISM provides a kind of blueprint for understanding the relationship between the two. Although the particulars might have changed since its first publication, it is still quite relevant today. Perhaps, given the absence of large, strictly socialist societies after the collapse of Soviet communism to provide us with concrete examples of socialism's consequences, even more so.
7 of 10 people found the following review helpful
Wonderful comentary on role of (psudo?)intellectuals
27 April 2004
Format:Paperback
This is an absolutely wonderful defiition of self-described intellectuals and their role in shaping public opinion. When I first started reading this pamphlet I wanted to learn why intellectuals are attracted more towards socialism. He only made that connection in the last few pages and wasn't too convincing in my opinion. However by the time I got to that point I really didn't care any more.
I found all his descriptions and definitions right on the mark. I have had personal contcts with a few people who are considered influentail in my own (relatively) small "community." They get published in "scholarly" journals and have everybody's full attention at social functions with their commentaries. Now I think I can better see through some of the arguments and have a better insight into their motives.
It is a very short essay and I highly recommend it as a wonderful read.
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