In his book on the Intellectual Origins of the English Revolution, Christopher Hill intends to define and analyze the background of ideas, knowledge, and beliefs shared by Englishmen prior to English Revolution. His purpose is not to explain the intellectual causes of the revolution, for he never connects specifically connects English thought with the Revolution.
Hill is interested in the practical ideas, knowledge, and beliefs that affected common men and that they formed in their occupations or professions. Hill organizes the core of the first edition of his book around Bacon, Ralegh, and Coke. However, even in the main text and certainly in the additional chapters of the revised edition, he takes a broad look at scores of navigators, shipwrights, mechanics, doctors, inventors, merchants, astrologers and astronomers, students and professors, philosophers and simpletons, chemists and alchemists, heretics and clergymen. By studying the influence of broad currents of practical thought rather than only high philosophy, Hill does not come to any definite conclusions about how thinking produced revolution. His work still has value, however, for instead of arbitrarily identifying only a few intellectual causes he gives an accurate portrayal of many other intellectual currents (though not the causes) affecting Englishmen before the Revolution.
Just as important to Hill's methods and conclusions as what he studies is what he ignores. In his preface to the book, he states that he intends to avoid what are typically considered causes of the English Revolution: politics, Puritanism, and religion. His reason for doing so is to isolate the intellectual origins. However, by ignoring Puritanism, religious beliefs, and political opinions he is ignoring what are in fact intellectual trends, just not the intellectual trends that he has decided to study.
Hill's primary theme is that the intellectual origins of the English Revolution were economic. This economic theme is a product of his method, for by focusing on the ideas that workingmen formed at their occupations and ignoring religious and political ideas, he has only an economic base from which to draw inferences. At his core, Hill is a Marxist, and his Marxist interpretations are obvious if not overt. His allusions to Marx are frequent and reverent. By ignoring elites, politics, and religion and focusing on workingmen's thoughts, Hill exalts the proletariat over the bourgeoisie. Likewise, when he explicitly states that the English Revolution had a primarily economic impact, his conclusion is that English Revolution led to the Industrial Revolution.
Hill's most conspicuous flaw is his decision to divorce the intellectual background of the English Revolution from all other considerations, especially those considerations that he acknowledges are the more proximate causes of the Revolution. Rather than explain the political and religious developments that led to the Revolution, he describes only its intellectual background. But while Hill buries his reader's nose in books or sits him in a lecture at Gresham College, the other causes of the Revolution pass by the reader without remark. With the intellectual origins separated entirely from politics or religion, the reader never shown any of the complex interrelationships between political, economic, and religious forces. Presumably, the men whose thought he describes did not just think but also acted, but Hill tries to avoid that implication. Furthermore, a complete separation between intellectual causes on the one hand and political and religious causes on the other is artificial. Whatever the differences may be between those two groups of causes, politics and religion have strong intellectual components, and intellect has a strong ideological component. Indeed, if politics can be completely separated from intellect then the title of the book is a non sequitur, for how then could a political and religious revolution have intellectual origins?
Closely related to Hill's decision to separate the intellectual origins from all other causes of the Revolution is his decision not to make any conclusive generalizations about the intellectual origins. The reader justly hopes that by reading these books he will gain a comprehensive understanding of the intellectual currents flowing into the English Revolution. But after the reader has worked through a mass of detail and seen brief glimpses of how many individuals contributed to the Revolution, Hill's only conclusion is that no conclusion can be drawn. Hill cites several reasons that he does not generalize: the scope of the subject; the need for further study; continuing research in the field which makes any conclusions tentative. As the acknowledged expert in his field, it is Hill's prerogative to leave the intellectual origins without generalization. But though he does not mention it, the most significant reason why Hill cannot generalize is his own decision to isolate the intellectual origins. Hill is the victim of his own method. By choosing to examine intellectual origins and consequences apart from the primary causes and consequences of the English Revolution, Hill threw away the means by which he could have made generalizations about his subject. Indeed, by divorcing English thought from English politics, religion, and society, he discarded the very reason for studying his subject. Hill's statement in his conclusion that, though he tried to avoid politics and Puritanism, he always found himself coming back to them in the end is almost an admission that his method was artificial.