According to a commonplace narrative, the rise of modern political thought in the West resulted from secularization - the exclusion of religious arguments from political discourse. But in this pathbreaking work, Eric Nelson argues that this familiar story is wrong. Instead, he contends, political thought in early-modern Europe became less, not more, secular with time, and it was the Christian encounter with Hebrew sources that provoked this radical transformation. During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, Christian scholars began to regard the Hebrew Bible as a political constitution designed by God for the children of Israel. Newly available rabbinic materials became authoritative guides to the institutions and practices of the perfect republic. This thinking resulted in a sweeping reorientation of political commitments. In the book's central chapters, Nelson identifies three transformative claims introduced into European political theory by the Hebrew revival: the argument that republics are the only legitimate regimes; the idea that the state should coercively maintain an egalitarian distribution of property; and, the belief that a godly republic would tolerate religious diversity. One major consequence of Nelson's work is that the revolutionary politics of John Milton, James Harrington, and Thomas Hobbes appear in a brand-new light. Nelson demonstrates that central features of modern political thought emerged from an attempt to emulate a constitution designed by God. This paradox, a reminder that while we may live in a secular age, we owe our politics to an age of religious fervor, in turn illuminates fault lines in contemporary political discourse.
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Deeply learned and thought-provoking...No doubt specialists will be debating the arguments of The Hebrew Republic for some time to come--which is a testimony to Eric Nelson's profound and original book. -- Adam Kirsch Tablet Magazine 20100316 [A] magnificent book...The Hebrew Republic boldly claims that the secularism-as-modernism narrative is incomplete at best, and at worst totally backwards...Not only has [Nelson] significantly revised the history of some key concepts in early modern European political thought. It may be that he has written a paradigm-shifter, the kind of book that fundamentally realigns the way scholars look at a period as a whole...The Hebrew Republic demonstrates unforgettably that we need to understand piety to comprehend politics. This will not be news to scholars working on the Middle East or the Middle Ages. But for many historians of European and American politics and political thought, The Hebrew Republic may help force belief--not just religious institutions--back into the center of the story. -- Nathan Perl-Rosenthal New Republic online 20100505 Many of the political freedoms that we enjoy today have their roots in the Hebrew Bible and the rabbinical commentaries that explained it. Eric Nelson outlines this in his brilliant new book The Hebrew Republic, showing, for example, how the triumph of republican government over monarchy is in large part thanks to the Bible and the rabbis. -- Daniel Freedman Forbes.com 20100722 Nelson powerfully argues that [the 17th century] had as its driving force an intense scholarly interest in the Israelite constitution, occasioned by the discovery of new Rabbinic texts and the growth of Hebrew scholarship in Europe. Nelson's account is remarkable because it shows just how serious great political thinkers of the 17th century were about the details of an ancient polity that many or most Christian scholars of the time believed was God's approved constitution for all time. No matter how much contemporary political thought really is a product of the 17th century, Nelson explains, modern political theory has deeper theological roots than is generally believed. -- J. John Choice 20101101 In The Hebrew Republic Nelson has thrown down the gauntlet of a revolution. He means to overturn the accepted foundations of modern intellectual history by re-evaluating the early modern period and asking whether biblical and Jewish ideas were as foundational as Greek and Roman thought in creating the modern world. And Nelson, in being persuaded that the Bible was a motive force in early modern political history, is not alone. -- Diana Muir Appelbaum Jewish Ideas Daily 20120206
About the Author
Eric Nelson is the Frederick S. Danziger Associate Professor of Government, Harvard University.
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Most Helpful Customer Reviews
1 of 1 people found the following review helpful
5.0 out of 5 stars
Shines a bright light on a neglected facet of early modern political theory
29 Aug 2012
By Jeremy Bevan
TOP 500 REVIEWER
Format:Paperback
A traditional understanding of the history of modern political thought holds that it is only when religious arguments are excluded from the public stage that the discourse of individual rights, modern theories of the state and arguments for religious toleration arise. But in this bold, fascinating and compelling book, historian of political thought Eric Nelson argues that such a view has the truth of the matter almost exactly backwards.
The Renaissance revival of the study of biblical Hebrew and ancient Israel (Hebraism) leads to the re-entry of political theology into the mainstream of political thought in the late 16th and early 17th centuries. Thinkers such as Bonaventure Bertram, Carlo Sigonio, Peter van der Cun (Cunaeus) and John Selden scrutinise biblical texts such as 1 Samuel and Deuteronomy 17, and find in them a biblical warrant for republicanism, subsequently espoused by Milton and others, that shatters notions of the `divine right of kings'. So, too, Hebraist scholarship overturns prevailing antipathies towards land ownership reforms (which were rooted in a reading of Cicero's critique of failed Roman attempts at re-modelling agrarian laws) in favour of land redistribution that drew its inspiration from the biblical idea of the jubilee (e.g. in Leviticus 25). Hebraism is pressed into service to support, thirdly, arguments that toleration founded on the notion that all religious authority in ancient Israel derived from the civil authorities - a view known as Erastianism - could be inferred from the relevant texts as `God's constitutional preference' for the emerging democracies of the 17th century.
There are, to be sure, some powerful voices that seem to argue against the influence of such biblical paradigms, most notably Hobbes and Spinoza. Nelson, though taking their views seriously, argues cogently that their individualism and antipathy to any place for `revealed religion' respectively in the ordering of public life are by no means the whole story of their political thought, or of the thought of the age, which is shot through with more ambiguity than we frequently credit it with having. The debates that Nelson examines argue powerfully for the 17th century (and, with Locke, the 18th) being marked by two tendencies: on the one hand, arguments for `politics in the absence of God'; and on the other, those advocating `what Godly politics requires' (137). On the latter, the author is exceptionally thought-provoking, shining a bright light on a neglected, but crucial, facet of early modern political theory.
The Renaissance revival of the study of biblical Hebrew and ancient Israel (Hebraism) leads to the re-entry of political theology into the mainstream of political thought in the late 16th and early 17th centuries. Thinkers such as Bonaventure Bertram, Carlo Sigonio, Peter van der Cun (Cunaeus) and John Selden scrutinise biblical texts such as 1 Samuel and Deuteronomy 17, and find in them a biblical warrant for republicanism, subsequently espoused by Milton and others, that shatters notions of the `divine right of kings'. So, too, Hebraist scholarship overturns prevailing antipathies towards land ownership reforms (which were rooted in a reading of Cicero's critique of failed Roman attempts at re-modelling agrarian laws) in favour of land redistribution that drew its inspiration from the biblical idea of the jubilee (e.g. in Leviticus 25). Hebraism is pressed into service to support, thirdly, arguments that toleration founded on the notion that all religious authority in ancient Israel derived from the civil authorities - a view known as Erastianism - could be inferred from the relevant texts as `God's constitutional preference' for the emerging democracies of the 17th century.
There are, to be sure, some powerful voices that seem to argue against the influence of such biblical paradigms, most notably Hobbes and Spinoza. Nelson, though taking their views seriously, argues cogently that their individualism and antipathy to any place for `revealed religion' respectively in the ordering of public life are by no means the whole story of their political thought, or of the thought of the age, which is shot through with more ambiguity than we frequently credit it with having. The debates that Nelson examines argue powerfully for the 17th century (and, with Locke, the 18th) being marked by two tendencies: on the one hand, arguments for `politics in the absence of God'; and on the other, those advocating `what Godly politics requires' (137). On the latter, the author is exceptionally thought-provoking, shining a bright light on a neglected, but crucial, facet of early modern political theory.
Most Helpful Customer Reviews on Amazon.com (beta)
Amazon.com:
4.3 out of 5 stars
6 reviews
30 of 32 people found the following review helpful
5.0 out of 5 stars
Cogent, Concise, and Crisp...
4 July 2010
By Aldo Matteucci
- Published on Amazon.com
Format:Hardcover
On a sparingly furnished stage the author conjures and comments with clear and crystalline voice the great Protestant political thinkers of the XVIIth century: Erastus, Grotius, Harrington, Hobbes and, as grand finale, the secularising Spinoza, as they argue their political thoughts. The great Talmudists - from Rabbi Yehudah to Maimonides - form the choir that gives strength to the voices seeking dramatic illumination as to the character of the perfect common-wealth.
Nelson's main point is that the Renaissance did not innovate much in political thought, as it is usually thought - hugging the ancient Romans too closely as well as the Medieval philosophical tradition. The three great novel principles:
* Republican exclusivism (the idea that a Republic is the ONLY possible political system);
* Redistribution of wealth in favour of the poor;
* Religious tolerance;
emerged in the Low Countries as Protestant scholars sought a reading of the Bible not contaminated by 1000 years of Catholic tradition and hit on the Talmudic commentaries, which had arrived with the Jews expelled from Lisbon.
So well is the dramatic representation crafted, so subtle the marshalling of the arguments that I found myself compelled not to put down the pleasingly shortish book - and for sure the subject matter is arcane, and the arguments far from easy to grasp in their subtle differences. This work is an intellectual feast of the prime order - one that is seldom on the academic menu. Mostly one gets contrived and confused cogitations of obtuse minds in desperate search "theory" - as if intellectual life depended on it.
Nelson's main point is that the Renaissance did not innovate much in political thought, as it is usually thought - hugging the ancient Romans too closely as well as the Medieval philosophical tradition. The three great novel principles:
* Republican exclusivism (the idea that a Republic is the ONLY possible political system);
* Redistribution of wealth in favour of the poor;
* Religious tolerance;
emerged in the Low Countries as Protestant scholars sought a reading of the Bible not contaminated by 1000 years of Catholic tradition and hit on the Talmudic commentaries, which had arrived with the Jews expelled from Lisbon.
So well is the dramatic representation crafted, so subtle the marshalling of the arguments that I found myself compelled not to put down the pleasingly shortish book - and for sure the subject matter is arcane, and the arguments far from easy to grasp in their subtle differences. This work is an intellectual feast of the prime order - one that is seldom on the academic menu. Mostly one gets contrived and confused cogitations of obtuse minds in desperate search "theory" - as if intellectual life depended on it.
2 of 2 people found the following review helpful
5.0 out of 5 stars
Political Science of the Future
27 Sep 2012
By William D. Walton
- Published on Amazon.com
Format:Paperback|Amazon Verified Purchase
Eric Nelson at once provides a highly focused look into our political past, while at the same time, unknowingly provides a glimpse into our political future.
The Reformation radically changed the way men approached political science. As Nelson points out, "It became the central ambition of political science to approximate, as closely as possible, the paradigm of what European authors began to call the respublica Hebraeorum (republic of the Hebrews)." Previous authors had looked elsewhere for political guidance, now they would have to look to "the perfect constitution designed by the omniscient God." Old Testament Israel was now seen as the Divine model to imitate in political affairs.
Nelson focuses on three major political areas impacted by the "Hebrew Revival" as he tags it: exclusive republican government, the inseparable link between land distribution and political liberty, and religious toleration. Nelson does not extrapolate his excellent study into the future, but it will become obvious to the student of history that the American colonies were major beneficiaries of the "Hebrew Revival", continuing its trajectory long after European counterparts had jumped ship. The radical politics of Thomas Jefferson can be seen as rooted in the study of God's Law, as Jefferson drank deeply from James Harrington, a major player in the period under Nelson's scope. After reading the Hebrew Republic, it will become apparent where Jefferson got his desire to distribute 50 acres of land to practically every adult male in Virginia in order to secure widespread political liberty.
What happened?
Nelson locates the demise of the "Hebrew Revival" in the demise of faith in the God of the Old Testament Scriptures, a product of the 18th Century Age of Reason. I would add it was later joined by the Age of Escape, as Christian theology abandoned the transformation of planet earth in the name of Christ, and morphed into escapism. Nevertheless, if we are to believe the God of the Old Testament Scriptures, the "Hebrew Revival" is not just a thing of the past, for it is the ultimate destiny of all nations.
I highly recommend Hebrew Republic, and commend Eric Nelson on his work.
The Reformation radically changed the way men approached political science. As Nelson points out, "It became the central ambition of political science to approximate, as closely as possible, the paradigm of what European authors began to call the respublica Hebraeorum (republic of the Hebrews)." Previous authors had looked elsewhere for political guidance, now they would have to look to "the perfect constitution designed by the omniscient God." Old Testament Israel was now seen as the Divine model to imitate in political affairs.
Nelson focuses on three major political areas impacted by the "Hebrew Revival" as he tags it: exclusive republican government, the inseparable link between land distribution and political liberty, and religious toleration. Nelson does not extrapolate his excellent study into the future, but it will become obvious to the student of history that the American colonies were major beneficiaries of the "Hebrew Revival", continuing its trajectory long after European counterparts had jumped ship. The radical politics of Thomas Jefferson can be seen as rooted in the study of God's Law, as Jefferson drank deeply from James Harrington, a major player in the period under Nelson's scope. After reading the Hebrew Republic, it will become apparent where Jefferson got his desire to distribute 50 acres of land to practically every adult male in Virginia in order to secure widespread political liberty.
What happened?
Nelson locates the demise of the "Hebrew Revival" in the demise of faith in the God of the Old Testament Scriptures, a product of the 18th Century Age of Reason. I would add it was later joined by the Age of Escape, as Christian theology abandoned the transformation of planet earth in the name of Christ, and morphed into escapism. Nevertheless, if we are to believe the God of the Old Testament Scriptures, the "Hebrew Revival" is not just a thing of the past, for it is the ultimate destiny of all nations.
I highly recommend Hebrew Republic, and commend Eric Nelson on his work.
3 of 4 people found the following review helpful
5.0 out of 5 stars
Winner of the 2012 Laura Shannon Prize in Contemporary European Studies
15 Feb 2012
By Monica Caro
- Published on Amazon.com
Format:Paperback
This work by Eric Nelson received the 2012 Laura Shannon Prize for European Studies in the Humanities, an award which carries a $10,000 prize and is administered by the Nanovic Institute for European Studies at the University of Notre Dame. The jury statement reads, "An electrifying, bold analysis, Eric Nelson's The Hebrew Republic is a transformative work in political and intellectual history that makes a significant contribution to European studies. Nelson argues persuasively that a European engagement with Jewish political thought was central to the development of modern notions of republican government, the redistribution of wealth, and religious tolerance. Using rabbinical commentaries and examining republican thought, Nelson's careful scholarship offers a wealth of new and counter-intuitive insights. This is a watershed in presenting the history of political thought and is a very important book with which scholars will engage and argue for decades to come." The final jury was composed of Caryl Emerson, A. Watson Armour III University Professor of Slavic Languages and Literatures, Princeton University; Don Howard, Professor of Philosophy and Director of the Reilly Center for Science, Technology, and Values, University of Notre Dame; Suzanne L. Marchand, Professor of History, Louisiana State University; Mark W. Roche, Rev. Edmund P. Joyce, C.S.C. Professor of German Language and Literature, University of Notre Dame; and Paul Woodruff, Professor of Philosophy and inaugural Dean of the School of Undergraduate Studies, University of Texas at Austin.
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