Review
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Excerpted from Growing Up Girl by Valerie Walkerdine, Helen Lucey, June Melody. Copyright © 2001. Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.
This book is about something that refuses to go away: social class in Britain. We write this book at a moment when new forms of subjectivity, organisation and community are very much on the agenda. The challenge is to understand the role that class plays in relation to gender today, when almost everything that traditionally defined class has broken down. We are no longer in an era in which progressive social change towards any kind of socialism or social democracy, backed up by trade unions or union struggles, is on the agenda. We no longer have a large manufacturing base to provide the pivot for understanding social stratification based on class divisions. Rather we are confronted with huge changes in the global labour market, changes that have caused the British economy to become dominated by the service sector, the technology and communications industries and a huge and powerful financial sector. In the new global economy, the stable Fordist model of manufacturing has given!
way to downsized industries that are shadows of their former selves. Many of the new manufacturing industries are not even British owned and products are assembled in different places, with capital, production processes and workers now being much more mobile.
What used to be the working class is now dispersed into the service industry, their labour based on individual contracts, piecework, homework and work in call centres, jobs for life having disappeared. The Fordist working class drew its strength and unity from the large numbers working in one location, with mass occupation of a single factory space. In the new labour market there are huge salaries to be made, but equally there is massive unemployment of men, who used to be the backbone of the working class. As the 1997 hit film The Full Monty made clear, men who formerly worked in factories are struggling to reinvent themselves in the light of a new economy in which some women have the economic power they have lost. Women's employment, however, is divided between those who have the educational credentials and skills to enter the professional and managerial sector and those who leave school with few or no qualifications and enter a labour market characterised by poorly paid, often part-time work, little job security and periods of unemployment. They may be the sole breadwinner in their family.
These changes have been so profound and so successful in absorbing the rhetoric of internationalism and progressivism that there appears to be very little space left for notions associated with the traditional social democratic parties. The Blair government is fully committed to globalism, and its attempts to reduce the welfare state are quite in line with monetarist practice. By and large it sees its job as the humane management of an inevitable global shift. In this context, for social democrats the end of `welfarist dependency' and words such as autonomy, grass roots organisation and social capital provide the basis for a mode of government with some element of personal control at a time of profound but inevitable change. Expressions such as `life-long learning' have replaced `jobs for life' in recognition of the inherent insecurity built into the system. Such a shift demands subjects who are capable of understanding themselves as autonomous agents, producers of their present and their future, inventors of the people they are or may become (Giddens, 1991). However, such self-invention demands a particular kind of psychological subject, standalone people who are aware of and responsible for their own thoughts and actions. Such subjects are the psychological subjects of modernity and are made, not born, made through the psi sciences that create the appropriate subject of a neoliberal democracy (Foucault, 1979; Rose,1999; Henriques et al., 1998).
Nikolas Rose (1992) argues that neoliberalism that is, a form of liberal government that depends upon subjects who are free and rational agents of democracy, recreated in the context of globalism and economic rationalism demands a psychological subject who is capable of `bearing the serious burdens of liberty': `However apparently external and implacable may be the constraints, obstacles and limitations that are encountered, each individual must render his or her life meaningful, as if it were the outcome of individual choices made in the furtherance of a biographical project of self-realization' (ibid., p. 12). If we think about the end of jobs for life and the production of a culture of uncertainty, self-invention through a discourse of limitless choice provides a way to manage the government of potentially unruly and disaffected subjects. This project requires acceptance of certain kinds of psychological discourse as a true description of oneself. Here psychological discourses and services (counselling, as in chat shows, popular psychology books with titles such as `Women Who Love Too Much or Do It Now!', women's magazines and popular newspapers) combine with people's desire to make something of their lives. So if one is out of work, one has to transform oneself into the right kind of employable subject. This transformation is taking place alongside the transformation of the social fabric of Britain changes in the labour market, the breakdown of old established communities, feminism and new ethnicities, to name just a few. How do people cope with such complex demands? What are the social and psychological mechanisms by which they cope with the complexity of their social positioning?