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Flight of the Intellectuals [Hardcover]

Paul Berman
4.7 out of 5 stars  See all reviews (3 customer reviews)
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Book Description

8 Oct 2009
Twenty years ago, Ayatollah Khomeini called for the assassination of Salman Rushdie—and writers around the world instinctively rallied to Rushdie’s defense. Today, according to writer Paul Berman, “Rushdie has metastasized into an entire social class”—an ever-growing group of sharp-tongued critics of Islamist extremism, especially critics from Muslim backgrounds, who survive only because of pseudonyms and police protection. And yet, instead of being applauded, the Rushdies of today (people like Ayan Hirsi Ali and Ibn Warraq) often find themselves dismissed as “strident” or as no better than fundamentalist themselves, and contrasted unfavorably with representatives of the Islamist movement who falsely claim to be “moderates.”

How did this happen? In THE FLIGHT OF THE INTELLECTUALS, Berman—“one of America’s leading public intellectuals” (Foreign Affairs)—conducts a searing examination into the intellectual atmosphere of the moment and shows how some of the West’s best thinkers and journalists have fumbled badly in their efforts to grapple with Islamist ideas and violence.

Berman’s investigation of the history and nature of the Islamist movement includes some surprising revelations. In examining Hassan al-Banna, the founder of the Muslim Brotherhood, he shows the rise of an immense and often violent worldview, elements of which survives today in the brigades of al-Qaeda and Hamas. Berman also unearths the shocking story of al-Banna’s associate, the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, who collaborated personally with Adolf Hitler to incite Arab support of the Nazis’ North African campaign. Echoes of the Grand Mufti’s Nazified Islam can be heard among the followers of al-Banna even today.

In a gripping and stylish narrative Berman also shows the legacy of these political traditions, most importantly by focusing on a single philosopher, who happens to be Hassan al-Banna’s grandson, Oxford professor Tariq Ramadan—a figure widely celebrated in the West as a “moderate” despite his troubling ties to the Islamist movement. Looking closely into what Ramadan has actually written and said, Berman contrasts the reality of Ramadan with his image in the press.

In doing so, THE FLIGHT OF THE INTELLECTUALS sheds light on a number of modern issues—on the massively reinvigorated anti-Semitism of our own time, on a newly fashionable turn against women’s rights, and on the difficulties we have in discussing terrorism—and presents a stunning commentary about the modern media’s peculiar inability to detect and analyze some of the most dangerous ideas in contemporary society.

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Product details

  • Hardcover: 224 pages
  • Publisher: MELVILLE HOUSE PUBLISHING (8 Oct 2009)
  • Language: English
  • ISBN-10: 1933633514
  • ISBN-13: 978-1933633510
  • Product Dimensions: 12.1 x 2.8 x 19.8 cm
  • Average Customer Review: 4.7 out of 5 stars  See all reviews (3 customer reviews)
  • Amazon Bestsellers Rank: 346,829 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)

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About the Author

Paul Berman is the author of A Tale of Two Utopias, The New York Times bestseller Terror and Liberalism, and Power and the Idealists. He writes for The New Republic, The New York Times Book Review, and The New York Times Magazine.

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29 of 31 people found the following review helpful
5.0 out of 5 stars Another Brilliant book from Berman 16 July 2010
By MarkusG
Format:Hardcover
Paul Berman, "Flight of the Intellectuals" (2010)
In earlier books, Paul Berman has made critical analyses of the new left of 68 ("Power and the Idealists") and political Islam and its connections to fascism and communism ("Terror and Liberalism"). These books are brilliant In his latest book, "Flight of the Intellectuals", he returns to the phenomenon of Islam.

The book starts (chapter 1) with observations on the muslim intellectual Tariq Ramadan, by many in he West regarded as a moderate muslim defending universal values. A bridge between the West and Islam, a champion of European Islam. But Berman doesn't trust Ramadans views of the history of Islam, especially the history of the connections between political Islam and nazism (chapter 2-5). Ramadans granddad, Hassan al-Banna, founded the Muslim Brotherhood. Berman uses recent research to describe how the nazis planned to fuse nazi ideology with Islam, and how persons like the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem became useful in this. Together with the nazis, the Mufti campaigned against the jews and "zionism", and Hitler was an admired ally. Because of this, anti-semitism in its most weird forms spread throughout the Middle East. After the 2nd world war, al Banna used his influence to get the Mufti released from prison in France, and he returned as a hero. Berman shows how while the rest of the world became anti-fascist/anti-nazist and condemned anti-semitism, this was not the case in the Middle East. Instead, conspiracy theories about the Holocaust, Israel and nazism won ground. A problem that is enormous today.

So, after 100 pages of history about the nazi-Islam connection, Berman returns to Tariq Ramadan and the question "What does he stand for?" (p 127). Ramadan obviously has tried to cover up the connection between al Banna and the Mufti, and thereby the nazi-Islam connection. Also: Ramadan likes to point out connections West-East, for example that universal values did exist in the muslim world. Maybe even before it came to the West. Berman asks if this means that there is a muslim version of univerasl values and rationality, and a western version. In other writings Ramadan makes the case that Muslim universalism is not the same as Western universalism. He seems to use a "double discourse" to deceive Western liberals, saying one thing to them and another to his Muslim audience. His "salafi reformism" turns out to be a variant of political Islamism. The result is a reformed Islam, matched to modernity; the "idea is to construct an Islamic counter-culture within the West" (p 148). (Berman puts a question mark about what this would mean in practice for secular Europe. Even today muslim immigration has made an impact on Europe, not only for the good, for example demands of religious censorship and gender-apartheid.)

Thereafter, in chapter 6, we get a recount of the 2003 confrontation between Ramadan and six Jewish intellectuals (Glucksmann, Lévy, Finkelkraut etc, (Berman likes the French 'New Philosophers'), with Ramadan accusing them for being defenders of Israel, and therefore of their narrow ethnic interest instead of universalism - and them accusing Ramadan for being anti-semitic. And some outlooks on the Islamist movements in France in the 1980s and 90s, and the crisis and confusion this meant for the liberal anti-racist Left (like Baathists and Trotskyists in Paris in a peace demonstration together with the liberal left, and physically attacking Jews...). The remainder of the chapter deals (after some interesting criticism of Ian Buruma) with Ramadans complex views on violence and resistance (in Afghanistan and Palestine, for example).

Chapter 7 deals with Ramadans stance on women rights, his "Islamic feminism". Veils and gender-apartheid is seen as equality, the difference between the sexes is important. Ramadan uses liberal arguments for womens "right" to use the veil, etc. That is: without problematizing women being forced to wear veils, or the problem of islamism (and the use of veils) growing stronger in Europe. A political movement making demands uncompatible with democracy, liberalism and secularism. And demands that women, women under Islam, should have limited access to education. And more demands: limited (female) access to health care, refusal to take part in certain classes... And Muslim women and girls being pressured to accept these limitations. This led to the law against religious symbols, and veils and burqas, in France - a law criticised by Ramadan among others. It became a question of womens rights not to wear a veil. Worse still: Ramadan have refused to clearly condemn the practise of stoning unfaithful women. He had the chance to make a forceful statement in French TV in 2003, in a debate with Sarkozy, but didn't take the chance (the whole exchange is transcribed, p 214-5).

In chapter 8 Berman presents Ayaan Hirsi-Ali and her detractors Ian Buruma and Timothy Garton Ash, who denounce her as an "Enlightenment fundamentalist". Here, Berman makes a brilliant defense of Hirsi-Ali, and criticises Buruma's and Ash's campaign against Hirsi Ali, and admiration for Ramadan. Hirsi-Ali is the one with the true "insider" perspective on Islam (having experienced actual repression), while Ramadans' knowledge comes mainly from books. Berman concludes that such a "reactionary turn" is something new and deplorable.

(This "reactionary" and paradoxical turn is recognisable in Sweden, where I live. Here we now have "leftist" debaters arguing for insane things, for example the leader of the "Feminist" party (Fi) (former leader of the Left Party) who wants "more burqas" in Sweden.)

In the final chapter Berman goes on discussing the phenomenon of Western self-hatred and masochism among intellectuals (with Buruma and Garton Ash being the latest example). Here he refers Pascal Bruckners thesis about the tyranny of Western guilt to understand what is happening.

If you have the slightest interest in things like the ideological evolution of the Left in the West, since 68 and Islam in the West, you should read not just this book, but also Bermans earlier books.
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15 of 17 people found the following review helpful
5.0 out of 5 stars Immaculate 7 Dec 2010
Format:Hardcover|Amazon Verified Purchase
I can't praise this too much. Although I have read Berman before and found him quite wonderful, this really took my breath away. I read it as one might read a thrilling novel. Although I am professionally familiar with most of the currents Berman discusses, I found this essay quite packed with observations and fresh angles. His dissection of Tariq Ramadan, that arch hypocrite of our times, is forensic. The book is worth reading for that alone. So too, his reading of Hasan al-Banna', Ramadan's grandfather. His analysis of the whole Islamist movement is compelling, as is his strongly-argued defence of the Somali reformer Ayaan Hirsi Ali. He is so well read in English and French that he finds pathways into his subject I had never come across in years of experience.

If you have glanced at the book here because of its title and been disappointed because so much of its subject matter concerns Islam and Islamism, pluck up a little courage and think again. This is, above all, a most pertinent discussion of the way in which modern intellectuals in Europe, almost all of them from the Left, have abandoned principle and betrayed the achievements of the Enlightenment. For that reason this is a haunting book. If you don't read it, you will lose something very precious. I haven't read anything quite like it since I first read Karl Popper.
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1 of 1 people found the following review helpful
Format:Kindle Edition|Amazon Verified Purchase
Why does the Left defend Nazi-inspired Islamists? What are the links between Nazism and Islamism? These questions are answered thoroughly and forensically in this sometimes slow, but important book
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