Anthony Storr once observed that Churchill's extraordinary power to inspire and lead his nation during its darkest hour was rooted in the "romantic world of fantasy in which he had his true being." It is virtually certain that Churchill's romantic world was predominantly shaped by his imperial vision and conviction of the special, higher destiny of the "English Speaking Peoples."
In "Churchill's Empire: The World that Made Him and the World He Made," Richard Toye (previously the author of a book on the relationship between Lloyd George and Churchill and a Senior Lecturer at the University of Exeter) traces Churchill's involvement with the British Empire from his boyhood during its apogee to his twilight years during its sunset. Much of the story is well-known: the Young Winston waging and reporting on his "jolly little wars against barbarous peoples," the perennial "subaltern of Hussars" that lived beneath the statesman's skin, the prime minister who affirmed that he had not come to power to preside over the liquidation of the British Empire and then went on to do precisely that. However, Toye for the first time subjects the story to sustained analysis and has written a highly readable account that draws on many new sources - diaries, letters, newspaper articles and unpublished papers.
Toye traces how Churchill's attitudes were shaped by the influence of his prominent father, by his headmaster at Harrow, the Rev'd JEC Weldon, by his reading from Macaulay and Gibbon to such now forgotten tomes as Winwood Reade's "The Martyrdom of Man," by popular culture such as music hall jingoism, and by his early experience as a soldier, war correspondent and Colonial Office minister. He follows their evolution and convolutions through the war and into the necessary acceptance that the Empire's days were waning. Churchill accepted this reality but his underlying views remained remarkably constant and true to the Victorian complexity in which they had their original roots.
Toye shows us that Churchill's attitude to empire was complex but complex in a way that was not unusual among his contemporaries. The Victorian Mind (which as Nehru pointed out in the Forties, was what Churchill was predominantly possessed of) could combine broad racism (Churchill recurrently referred to "naked savages" and to such things as "slit eyes and pigtails" and spoke of Indians as "a beastly people with a beastly religion") with a remarkable tolerance towards individuals of any race, provided that they were "civilized" and "fitted for it;" it could promote "wicked and brazen exploitation" on the one hand but also proclaim a higher purpose and a true civilizing mission on the other. Churchill firmly believed in this duty to "think imperially" and to pursue "something higher and more vast than one's own national interests." As it became clear that Britain's ability to uphold this destiny was slipping away, Churchill urged it on the United States to which had passed the baton of the English Speaking Peoples despite doing its best under Roosevelt to hasten the end of the empire. Arguably, the English Speaking Peoples was a more important construct for Churchill than the empire per se, including India, which was to occupy so much of his energy.
"Churchill's Empire" contains many anecdotes and vignettes that I had not come upon in prior reading about Churchill. He informs us for example that WSC and Mark Twain- two of the most quotable wits of all time - actually appeared together on stage in New York in 1900, though neither seems to have risen to his personal best in that exchange. He tells us that Winwood Reade's book quotes a description of a slave ship including the words "never was so much suffering condensed into so small a space" - sound familiar? Then there was the bizarre telegram that Churchill dispatched to Eamon de Valera following the news of Pearl Harbor: "Now is your chance. Now or never. A nation once again." We learn of Churchill's concern about immigration trends in 1954: "public opinion won't tolerate it, " and his observation that the type of regime that some were trying to create in the fledgling European Community was very similar to what Britain had created in India a "function of central control including an external element."
Toye's book might have focused more on the importance of the idea of Empire to Churchill and how it fueled his leadership imagination; and he might have dwelt longer on the consequences to today's world of some of Churchill's actions, inactions and decisions in, for example, Palestine, Iraq and the partitioned sub-continent. Nonetheless, it is a fresh analysis and a well-told story with much to recommend it.