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"'A dazzling command of science and a relentless faith in people... I never miss reading him.' Naomi Klein 'Crisply argued and provocative.' Financial Times 'Fluent and engaging... supremely knowledgeable and passionate... There's so much good sense in this book - every sentence makes you reflect deeply and question structures, politics and mindsets as well as one's own life. Monbiot challenges like no other writer.' John Green, Morning Star 'Monbiot is prepared to get his hands dirty with the most seemingly trivial sources in order to expose some sinister contemporary trends... Purposely eclectic and impressively incisive... Bring on the Apocalypse is a rich and abundant source of arguments for social progress.' Mark Brown, Herald"
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This incendiary collection of essays about money, religion, war, power, culture and nature adds up to a striking wake-up call about the world's need for social justice, and is now available in paperback. In these incendiary essays, George Monbiot tears apart the fictions of religious conservatives, the claims of those who deny global warming and the lies of the governments and newspapers that led us into war. He takes no prisoners, exposing government corruption in devastating detail while clashing with people as diverse as Bob Geldof, Ann Widdecombe and David Bellamy.But alongside his investigative journalism, Monbiot's book contains some remarkable essays about what it means to be human. Monbiot explores the politics behind Constable's "The Cornfield" that shows how driving cars has changed the way we think and argues that eternal death is a happier prospect than eternal life.
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A good read for someone who doesn't religiously follow his column. Bring on more George Monbiots for peace (following controversy) on earth!
4 of 13 people found the following review helpful
This is a collection of George Monbiot's Guardian articles.
On the environment, he notes that biofuels are a disaster: biodiesel from palm oil emits ten times as much carbon dioxide as ordinary diesel. But he blames President Bush for this, not the EU, when it is the EU, not the USA, that determines Britain's policy.
Monbiot admits that some trials of GM food are "improving both yield and nutritional content ... [and] ... these could well be of benefit to small farmers in the developing world." So why does he oppose it?
His articles on the current wars contain nothing new - that the US state sabotaged negotiations with both Iraq and Afghanistan, and that its forces torture POWs and use white phosphorus and napalm as anti-personnel weapons. He rightly, but unoriginally, notes that most British newspapers "were willing accomplices in the Pentagon's campaign of disinformation."
He includes some good articles exposing the World Bank and the IMF and the Labour government's despicable role in these bodies, although we could do with more detail. But he calls Paul Wolfowitz's appointment as president of the World Bank `a good thing', because it "highlights the profoundly unfair and undemocratic nature of decision-making at the Bank" - the classic ultra-left fallacy of `the worse, the better'.
He shows how the British state's foreign aid does more harm than good and exposes Clare Short's vile role in promoting privatisations abroad. Her Department for International Development gave £7.6 million to the Adam Smith Institute's maniacs to sponsor privatisation in South Africa, Zambia, India and Ghana. The Labour government allows the developing countries debt relief only if they `boost private sector development' and end `impediments to private investment, both domestic and foreign'.
All too often, Monbiot argues against his opponents' weakest arguments, which gives him cheap victories, as when he tells, yet again, the story of David Bellamy's error about glaciers. Monbiot likes easy targets like Jeremy Clarkson, second home owners, tax cheats and the Daily Telegraph, and he avoids stronger opponents like Bjorn Lomborg and Marxists.
On the environment, he notes that biofuels are a disaster: biodiesel from palm oil emits ten times as much carbon dioxide as ordinary diesel. But he blames President Bush for this, not the EU, when it is the EU, not the USA, that determines Britain's policy.
Monbiot admits that some trials of GM food are "improving both yield and nutritional content ... [and] ... these could well be of benefit to small farmers in the developing world." So why does he oppose it?
His articles on the current wars contain nothing new - that the US state sabotaged negotiations with both Iraq and Afghanistan, and that its forces torture POWs and use white phosphorus and napalm as anti-personnel weapons. He rightly, but unoriginally, notes that most British newspapers "were willing accomplices in the Pentagon's campaign of disinformation."
He includes some good articles exposing the World Bank and the IMF and the Labour government's despicable role in these bodies, although we could do with more detail. But he calls Paul Wolfowitz's appointment as president of the World Bank `a good thing', because it "highlights the profoundly unfair and undemocratic nature of decision-making at the Bank" - the classic ultra-left fallacy of `the worse, the better'.
He shows how the British state's foreign aid does more harm than good and exposes Clare Short's vile role in promoting privatisations abroad. Her Department for International Development gave £7.6 million to the Adam Smith Institute's maniacs to sponsor privatisation in South Africa, Zambia, India and Ghana. The Labour government allows the developing countries debt relief only if they `boost private sector development' and end `impediments to private investment, both domestic and foreign'.
All too often, Monbiot argues against his opponents' weakest arguments, which gives him cheap victories, as when he tells, yet again, the story of David Bellamy's error about glaciers. Monbiot likes easy targets like Jeremy Clarkson, second home owners, tax cheats and the Daily Telegraph, and he avoids stronger opponents like Bjorn Lomborg and Marxists.
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