Review the literature on Social Capital, and one name comes to the forefront again and again: Robert Putnam. It is this book which not only established him in the field, but more or less defined the future course of international study. But, although social capital is the central theme of this book, Putnam is less concerned with defining it (he gives at least three differing definitions, that I counted) as with demonstrating that it is not what it used to be.
Pages and pages of graphs all show a similar curve - gently rising from the 1900s, dipping for the Great Depression before rising again, dipping again for the second World War, rising sharply to peak in the sixties, before tumbling to a short plateau in the eighties, and then tumbling relentlessly from then on. This 'Putnam curve' (my words, not his) applies to Parent Teacher Associations, Card playing, civic activity, and, of course, to the rise and fall of league bowling, which is what gives this book its title. The graphs are supported by much reasoning, and by careful exclusion of other factors which might paint a false picture. The result is as compelling as it is far reaching.
Putnam's four factors which he believes contribute to the decline in social capital, or generalised reciprocity, as he at one point puts it, are perhaps less clearly demonstrated than the problem itself. They are: pressures of time and money, suburbanisation (with its commute to work), electronic entertainment (especially the television), and generational change, as more civic generations are replaced by less civic ones.
Likewise, his solutions, increasing civic engagement, community friendly workspaces, less time travelling, engaging faith groups, reducing TV time, and participatory cultural activities, are more supported by the extensive anecdotes than by the huge amounts of data.
Putnam's underlying thesis, that social capital is basically a 'good thing', and we should have more of it, had already been challenged by neo-marxist Pierre Bourdieu. A more substantial challenge has been put since, in that the US picture is very difficult to apply to the international community. UK society, for example, with the same four factors at work, does not remotely show a similar pattern of rising and falling social capital.
Nonetheless, the strength of Putnam's argument has been enough to set in motion major projects by the World Bank, the OECD, the EU and our own Office of National Statistics, to firm up the data gathering, and to find how it might apply to public policy.
It is very, very unusual to find a single work of such eminence in any modern field of enquiry. Most commentators have been content to build on Putnam's work, or take issue with the technicalities, rather than to challenge his overall thesis. This puts us at risk of discovering that it is the Emperor's new clothes, when someone comes along with a radically critical perspective.
Nonetheless, whatever flaws may be found in the theory at a later date, this is a seminal work, and well deserves the maximum rating.