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After Britain: New Labour and the Return of Scotland [Hardcover]

Tom Nairn
5.0 out of 5 stars  See all reviews (1 customer review)

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Book Description

7 Jan 2000 1862072930 978-1862072930
A controversial and comprehensive analysis of Scottish politics before and after devolution, Tom Nairn's After Britain provides a scathing analysis of the twilight of an ancient state: the United Kingdom. In his mordantly funny and brilliant survey of New Labour's plans, Nairn cuts through the glitz and spin of the politics to the empty policies underneath, revealing an alternative future to that envisioned by the government.


Product details

  • Hardcover: 336 pages
  • Publisher: Granta Books (7 Jan 2000)
  • Language: English
  • ISBN-10: 1862072930
  • ISBN-13: 978-1862072930
  • Product Dimensions: 22.4 x 14.4 x 3.5 cm
  • Average Customer Review: 5.0 out of 5 stars  See all reviews (1 customer review)
  • Amazon Bestsellers Rank: 843,006 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)

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Amazon Review

If only all constitutional politics could be as lively as this, even the English might start to take an interest in their future as a nation. In this provocative work Tom Nairn suggests--or, rather, bludgeons his reader over the head with the idea--that Tony Blair and his New Labour government are intent on the preservation of a decaying British state, only replacing one set of ruling elite with another. Giving Scotland devolution will solve nothing: the Scots now know that they must have independence, restoring that right to run their own affairs which they lost with the Act of Union in 1707. That in turn will force the English, no longer able to rely on their Britishness for their sense of identity, to determine who they really are and what they really want. Someone else can fill in the detail of how it will all work, Nairn's is an extended pamphlet of broad brush analysis, a mischievous lecture employing outrageous generalisations, dollops of public and private emotion and entertaining personal anecdotes. Best of all, he acknowledges that the Scots have brought many of their problems on themselves. By the end of this book, independence is such an inevitability that the only wonder is that it has not already happened. I certainly wouldn't fancy my chances debating the issue with Nairn. Whether he's right, of course, remains to be seen. --Kim Fletcher

About the Author

Torn Nairn is one of Britain's most celebrated iconoclastic political thinkers. His celebrated book on the monarchy, The Enchanted Glass, was the first serious republican critique of the House of Windsor for half a century. He lives in Edinburgh and Ireland. --This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.

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Twenty-two years ago I published a book of essays called The Break-up of Britain. Read the first page
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Front Cover | Copyright | Table of Contents | Excerpt | Index | Back Cover
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4 of 4 people found the following review helpful
5.0 out of 5 stars A "must-read" . 28 July 2000
By A Customer
Format:Hardcover
I found this book provided a highly stimulating birds-eye view of the British state, its history and the future of its component nations. The importance of identity, the fundamental requirement for constitutional reform, Mr Nairn has a great deal to say and it would profit anyone interested in the future of these isles to read his brilliant and moving book.
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Amazon.com: 4.0 out of 5 stars  1 review
3 of 3 people found the following review helpful
4.0 out of 5 stars Cherishing the "British" zombie 7 Mar 2006
By Andrew S. Rogers - Published on Amazon.com
Format:Hardcover
I wasn't expecting to agree with, or even be particularly sympathetic to, Tom Nairn's New Left-based approach to issues of constitutions and sovereignty. But I found "After Britain" to be quite an educational look at the causes and consequences of the recreation of a Scottish parliament. I consider myself relatively well-versed in British history, but I think now I'll have to define "British" in much the same way Nairn does, as an invented identity meant to paper over "English," "Scottish," and other troublesome "ethnicities."

After the failure of New Labour to attempt -- let alone achieve -- any real constitutional reform, Nairn argues that even in 2000 the Blairite ascendancy was already little more than an exercise in decline-management. He makes the case that Blairism intended a reconstituted Scottish parliament to keep the natives subdued, give the illusion of reform, and head off more extreme forms of nationalism and separatism. "Its aim was like that of local government reform: rejuvenation through good sense and reasonableness, and the more effective dissemination of centrally-cooked wisdom" (p. 277). As a part of Blair's campaign to turn Britons into inmates of the world's largest playpen -- always monitored, always entertained, protected from sharp objects, and in rude health whether they like it or not -- it must have seemed like a good idea in Number 10.

The problem, Nairn says, is that the creaking architecture of the 1707 Treaty of Union can't handle the strain. So long as the English and Scots (and other national minorities) shared the outward-looking project of the British Empire, all was well. But since the end of the war, "a congenitally imperial state form has been struggling to adapt itself, not just to change but to accelerating rapids of transformation ... [and] to do so without reforming its historical or constitutional mainframe" (p. 167). The sole remaining prop of "Britishness" is an acceptance of the sovereignty of the Crown-in-[Westminster] Parliament. When the institutions of the state decay, and a Holyrood parliament begins its inevitable competition for a share of sovereignty, there is no "nation" left to hold Britain together. Thus, Nairn concludes, the driving force is less the "re-internalizing" of Scottish nationhood than the fact that "the contradictions within United Kingdom Sovereignty itself are sufficient in themselves for an analysis of break-up" (p. 190).

The author covers an awful lot of ground in this book, including the inevitable discussion of "Westlothianism," and his analysis raises a host of related issues. For example: the Government's parallel emphasis on making sure "Englishness" is never permitted to reassert itself -- thus the association of English symbols like the cross of St. George with soccer hooligans, crusaders, and other unpleasant types. I have no idea what Mr. Nairn may think of the comparison, but his prose reminded me strongly of Christopher Hitchens' in that the two have very distinct and personal prose voices. That voice sometimes got in the way of immediate comprehension -- but rereading not only gave a second opportunity to enjoy the writing but to figure out the meaning as well. (And I was pleased to find a writer who seems to enjoy parenthetical statements as much as I do.)

A fair amount has happened in the years since this book was published, and yet it struck me, from this distance, as not at all out of date. My new project is to track down anything Tom Nairn may have written to update his conclusions here. I suspect it's rather a lot. But Devolution is an interesting occurrence in its own right and one with lessons for other parts of the world. I still share few of Nairn's philosophical premises, but I found his book to be a valuable addition to a discussion that has important and far-reaching implications.
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